...
This preface originally appeared in the German edition of The Counter-Revolution of Science, published under the title Missbrauch und Verfall der Vernunft in 1959.
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... face.1.1
This is not universally true. The attempts to treat social phenomena ``scientistically,'' which became so influential in the nineteenth century, were not completely absent in the eighteenth. There is at least a strong element of it in the work of Montesquieu, and the Physiocrats. But the great achievements of the century in the theory of the social sciences, the works of Cantillon and Hume, of Turgot and Adam Smith, were on the whole free from it.
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... today,1.2
The earliest example of the modem narrow use of the term science given in Murray's New English Dictionary dates from as late as 1867. But J. T. Merz (History of European Thought in the Nineteenth Century [1896], vol. 1, p. 89) is probably right when he suggests that science acquired its present meaning about the time of the formation of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1831).
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... problems,1.3
E.g., J. Dalton's New System of Chemical Philosophy (1808); Lamarck's Philosophie zoologique (1809); or Fourcroy's Philosophie chimique (1806).
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... Sciences1.4
We shall use the term Science with a capital letter when we wish to emphasize that we use it in the modem narrow meaning.
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... astronomy,1.5
M. R. Cohen, ``The Myth About Bacon and the Inductive Method,'' Scientific Monthly 23 (1926): 505.
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... English,1.6
Murray's New English Dictionary knows both scientism and scientistic, the former as the ``habit and mode of expression of a man of science,'' the latter as ``characteristic of, or having the attributes of, a scientist (used depreciatively) .`` The terms naturalistic and mechanistic, which have often been used in a similar sense, are less appropriate because they tend to suggest the wrong kind of contrast
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... here.1.7
See, e.g., J. Fiolle, Scientisme et science (Paris, 1936), and A. Lalande, Vocabulaire technique et critique de la philosophie, 4th ed., vol. 2, p. 740.
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... it.1.8
Perhaps the following passage by a distinguished physicist may help to show how much the scientists themselves suffer from the same attitude which has given their influence on other disciplines such a baneful character: ``It is difficult to conceive of anything more scientifically bigoted than to postulate that all possible experience conforms to the same type as that with which we are already familiar, and therefore to demand that explanation use only elements familiar in everyday experience. Such an attitude bespeaks an unimaginativeness, a mental obtuseness and obstinacy, which might be expected to have exhausted their pragmatic justification at a lower plane of mental activity'' (P. W. Bridgman, The Logic of Modern Physics [1928], p. 46).
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... society.2.1
On the significance of this ``law of inertia'' in the scientific sphere and its effects on the social disciplines, see H. Münsterberg, Grundzüge der Psychologie (1909), vol. 1, p. 137; E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode und Geschichtsphilosophie, 5th ed. (1908), p. 144; and L. v. Mises, Nationalökonomie (1940), p. 24. The phenomenon that we tend to overstrain a new principle of explanation is, perhaps, more familiar with respect to particular scientific doctrines than with respect to Science as such. Gravitation and evolution, relativity and psychoanalysis, all have for certain periods been strained far beyond their capacity. That for Science as a whole the phenomenon has lasted even longer and had still more far-reaching effects is not surprising in the light of this experience.
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... nature.2.2
This view was, I believe, first explicitly formulated by the German physicist G. Kirchhoff in his Vorlesungen über die mathematische, Physik; Mechanik (1874), p. 1, and later made widely known through the philosophy of Ernst Mach.
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... phenomena.2.3
The word explain is only one of many important instances where the natural sciences were forced to use concepts originally formed to describe human phenomena. Law and cause, function and order, organism and organization are others of similar importance where Science has more or less succeeded in freeing them from their anthropomorphic connotations, while in other instances, particularly, as we shall see, in the case of purpose, though it cannot entirely dispense with them, it has not yet succeeded in doing so and is therefore with some justification afraid of using these terms.
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... learned,2.4
T. Percy Nunn, Proceedings of the British Academy, vol. 13, Anthropomorphism and Physics (1926).
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... mathematics,''2.5
L. S. Stebbing, Thinking to Some Purpose (Pelican Books, 1939), p. 107. See also B. Russell, Scientific Outlook, 1931, p. 85.
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... things.2.6
The comparison becomes more adequate if we conceive that only small groups of characters, say words, appear to us simultaneously, while the groups as such appear to us only in a definite time sequence, as the words (or phrases) actually do when we read.
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... stimuli.2.7
The old puzzle over the miracle that qualities which are supposed to attach to the things are transmitted to the brain in the form of indistinguishable nervous processes differing only in the organ which they affect, and then in the brain retranslated into the original qualities, ceases to exist. We have no evidence for the assumption that the things in the external world in their relations to each other differ or are similar in the way our senses suggest to us. In fact we have in many instances evidence to the contrary.
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... here.2.8
It may just be mentioned that this classification is probably based on a preconscious learning of those relationships in the external world which are of special relevance for the existence of the human organism in the kind of environment in which it developed, and that it is closely connected with the infinite number of ``conditioned reflexes'' which the human species had to acquire in the course of its evolution. The classification of the stimuli in our central nervous system is probably highly ``pragmatic'' in the sense that it is not based on all observable relations between the external things, but stresses those relations between the external world (in the narrower sense) and our body which in the course of evolution have proved significant for the survival of the species. The human brain will, for example, classify external stimuli largely by their association with stimuli emanating from the reflex action of parts of the human body caused by the same external stimulus without the intervention of the brain.
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... same2.9
That different people classify external stimuli in the ``same'' way does not mean that individual sense qualities are the same for different people (which would be a meaningless statement), but that the systems of sense qualities of different people have a common structure (are homeomorphic systems of relations).
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... animals.3.1
Most of the problems of this latter group will, however, raise problems of the kind characteristic of the social sciences proper when we attempt to explain them.
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... sciences,3.2
Sometimes the German term Geisteswissenschaften is now used in English to describe the social sciences in the specific narrow sense with which we are here concerned. But this German term was introduced by the translator of J. S. Mill's Logic to render the latter's moral sciences, and so there seems to be little case for using this translation instead of the original English term.
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... somebody.3.3
It has often been suggested that for this reason economics and the other theoretical sciences of society should be described as ``teleological'' sciences. This term is, however, misleading as it is apt to suggest that not only the actions of individual men but also the social structures which they produce are deliberately designed by somebody for a purpose. It leads thus either to an ``explanation'' of social phenomena in terms of ends fixed by some superior power or to the opposite and no less fatal mistake of regarding all social phenomena as the product of conscious human design, to a ``pragmatic'' interpretation which is a bar to all real understanding of these phenomena. Some authors, particularly O. Spann, have used the term teleological to justify the most abstruse metaphysical speculations. Others, like K. Englis, have used it in an unobjectionable manner and sharply distinguished between teleological `and normative sciences. (See particularly the illuminating discussions of the problem in K. Englis, Teleologische Theorie der Wirtschaft [Brünn, 1930].) But the term remains nevertheless misleading. If a name is needed, the term proseological sciences, deriving from A. Espinas, adopted by T. Kotarbinsky and E. Slutsky, and now clearly defined and extensively used by Ludwig von Mises (Nationalökonomie [Geneva, 1940]), would appear to be the most appropriate.
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... purpose3.4
While the great majority of the objects or events which determine human action, and which from that angle have to be defined not by their physical characteristics but by the human attitudes toward them, are means for an end, this does not mean that the purposive or ``teleological'' nature of their definition is the essential point. The human purposes for which different things serve are the most important, but still only one, kind of human attitudes which will form the basis of such classification. A ghost or a bad or good omen belongs no less to the class of events determining human action which have no physical counterpart, although such cannot possibly be regarded as an instrument of human action.
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... economics3.5
I believe also in the discussions on psychological methods.
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... ``punishment,''3.6
It is sheer illusion when some sociologists believe that they can make ``crime'' an objective fact by defining it as those acts for which a person is punished. This only pushes the subjective element a step further back, but does not eliminate it. Punishment is still a subjective thing which cannot be defined in objective terms. If, for example, we see that every time a person commits a certain act he is made to wear a chain around his neck, this does not tell us whether it is a reward or a punishment.
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... subjectivism.3.7
This is a development which has probably been carried out most consistently by Ludwig von Mises, and I believe that most peculiarities of his views which at first strike many readers as strange and unacceptable trace to the fact that in the consistent development of the subjectivist approach he has for a long time moved ahead of his contemporaries. Probably all the characteristic features of his theories--from his theory of money (so much ahead of the time in 1912) to what he calls his a priorism--his views about mathematical economics in general and the measurement of economic phenomena in particular, and his criticism of planning all follow directly (although, perhaps, not all with the same necessity) from this central position. See particularly his Grundprobleme der Nationalökonomie (Jena, 1933) and Human Action (1949).
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... fail.3.8
This was seen very clearly by some of the early economists, but later obscured by the attempts to make economics ``objective'' in the sense of the natural sciences. Ferdinando Galiani, for example, in his Della Moneta (1751) emphasized that ``those things are equal which afford equal satisfaction to the one with respect to whom they are said to be equivalent. Anyone who seeks equality elsewhere, following other principles, and expects to find it in weight, or similarity of appearance, will show little understanding of the facts of human life. A sheet of paper is often the equivalent of money, from which it differs both in weight and appearance; on the other hand, two moneys of equal weight and quality, and similar appearance, are often not equal'' (trans. A. E. Monroe, Early Economic Thought [1930], p. 303).
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... sciences,3.9
Except probably linguistics, for which it may indeed be claimed with some justification that it ``is of strategic importance for the methodology of the social sciences'' (Edward Sapir, Selected Writings [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949], p. 166). Sapir, whose writings were unknown to me when I wrote this essay, stresses many of the points here emphasized. See, for instance, Ibid., p. 46: ``No entity in human experience can be adequately defined as the mechanical sum or product of its physical properties,'' and ``All significant entities in experience are thus revised from the physically given by passing through the filter of the functionally or relatedly meaningful.''
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... effect,3.10
In the extreme Ricardian form the statement is, of course, that a change in the value of the product will affect only the value of the land and leave the value of the cooperating labor altogether unaffected. In this form (connected with Ricardo's ``objective'' theory of value) the proposition can be regarded as a limiting case of the more general proposition stated in the text.
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... formed.3.11
For some further discussion of these problems, see the author's article ``Economics and Knowledge,'' Economica (February 1937), reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948).
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... them.3.12
See C. V. Langlois and C. Seignobos, Introduction to the Study of History, trans. G. G. Berry (London, 1898), p. 218: ``Actions and words all have this characteristic, that each was the action or word of an individual; the imagination can only represent to itself individual acts, copies from those which are brought before us by direct observation. As these are the actions of men living in society, most of them are performed simultaneously by several individuals, or are directed to some common end. These are collective acts; but in the imagination as in direct observation, they always reduce to a sum of individual actions. The `social fact,' as recognized by certain sociologists, is a philosophical construction, not a historical fact''
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... sciences;4.1
See the excellent discussions of the effects of conceptual realism (Begrifisrealismus) on economics in W. Eucken, The Foundations of Economics (London, 1950), pp.51 et seq.
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... differently)4.2
In some contexts concepts which by another social science are treated as mere theories to be revised and improved upon may have to be treated as data. One could, for example, conceive of a ``science of politics'' showing what kind of political action follows from the people holding certain views on the nature of society and for which these views would have to be treated as data. But while in man's actions toward social phenomena, that is, in explaining his political actions, we have to take his views about the constitution of society as given, we can on a different level of analysis investigate their truth or untruth. The fact that a particular society may believe that its institutions have been created by divine intervention we would have to accept as a fact in explaining the politics of that society; but it need not prevent us from showing that this view is probably false.
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... wholes.4.3
See Robblins, An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, 2d ed. (1935), p. 105: ``In economics ...the ultimate constituents of our fundamental generalizations are known to us by immediate acquaintance. In the natural sciences they are known only inferentially.'' Perhaps the following quotation from an earlier essay of my own (Collectivist Economic Planning [1935], p. 11) may help further to explain the statement in the text: ``The position of man, midway between natural and social phenomena--of the one of which he is an effect and of the other a cause--brings it about that the essential basic facts which we need for the explanation are part of common experience, part of the stuff of our thinking. In the social sciences it is the elements of the complex phenomena which are known to us beyond the possibility of dispute. In the natural sciences they can be at best surmised.'' See also C. Menger, Untersuchungen über die Methoden der Sozialwissenschaften (1883), p. 157 in: ``Die letzten Elemente, auf welche die exacte theoretische Interpretation der Naturphänomene zurückgehen muss, sind `Atome' und `Kräfte.' Beide smd unempirischer Natur. Wir vermögen uns `Atome' überhaupt nicht, und die Naturkräfte nur unter einem Bilde vorzusstellen, und verstehen wir in Wahrheit unter den letzteren lediglich die uns unbekannten Ursachen realer Bewegungen. Hieraus ergeben sich für die exacte Interpretation der Naturphänomene in letzter Linie ganz ausserordentliche Schwierigkeiten. Anders in den exacten Sozialwissenschaften. Hier sind die menschlichen Individuen und ihre Bestrebungen, die letzten Elemente unserer Analyse, empirischer Natur und die exacten theoretischen Sozialwissenschaften somit in grossem Vortheil gegenüber den exacten Naturwissenschaften, Die `Grenzen des Naturerkennens' und die hieraus für das theoretische Verständnis der Naturphänomene sich ergebenden Schwierigkeiten bestehen in Wahrheit nicht für die exacte Forschung auf dem Gebiete der Sozialerscheinungen. Wenn A. Comte die `Gesellschaften' als reale Organismen, und zwar als Organismen komplicierterer Art, denn die natürlichen, auffasst und ihre theretische Interpretation als das unvergleichlich kompliciertere und schwierigere wissenschaftliche Problem bezeichnet, so findet er sich somit in einem schweren Irrthume. Seine Theorie wäre nur gegenüber Sozialforschern richtig, welche den, mit Rücksicht auf den heutigen Zustand der theoretischen Naturwissenschaften, geradezu wahnwitzigen Gedanken fassen würden, die Gesellschaftsphänomene nicht in specifsch sozialwissenschaftlich, sondern in naturwissenschaftlich-atomistischer Weise interpretiren zu wollen.''
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... Compositive4.4
I have borrowed the term Compositive from a manuscript note of Carl Menger, who, in his personal annotated copy of Scroller's's review of his Methoden der Sozialwissenschaften (Jamb für Bestrebungen, etc., n.f. 7 [1883], p. 42), wrote it above the word deductive used by Scroller's. Since writing this I have noticed that Ernest Classier in his Philosophie der Auf klä rung (1932, pp. 12, 25, 341) uses the term Compositive in order to point out rightly that the procedure of the natural sciences presupposes the successive use of the ``resolutive'' and the ``Compositive'' technique. This is useful and hints up with the point that, since the elements are directly known to us in the social sciences, we can start here with the Compositive procedure.
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... data4.5
As Robbins (p. cit., p. 86) rightly says, economists in particular regard ``the things which psychology studies as the data of their own deductions.''
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... task.4.6
That this task absorbs a great part of the economist's energies should not deceive us about the fact that by itself this ``pure logic of choice'' (or ``economic calculus'') does not explain any facts, or at least does no more so by itself than does mathematics. For the precise relationship between the pure theory of the economic calculus and its use in the explanation of social phenomena, I again refer to my article ``Economics and Knowledge'' (Economica [February 1937]). It should perhaps be added that while economic theory might be very useful to the director of a completely planned system in helping him to see what he ought to do to achieve his ends, it would not help us to explain his actions--except insofar as he was actually guided by it.
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... effectively.4.7
C. M. R. Cohen, Reason and Nature, p. 356: ``If, then, social phenomena depend upon more factors than we readily manipulate, even the doctrine of universal determinism will not guarantee an attainable expression of laws governing the specific phenomena of social life. Social phenomena, though determined, might not to a finite mind in limited time display any laws at all.''
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... have.4.8
Pare to himself has clearly seen this. After stating the nature of the factors determining the prices in his system of equations, he adds (Manu el d'économie politique, 2d ed. [1927], pp. 233-34): ``It may be mentioned here that this determination has by no means the purpose of arriving at a numerical calculation of prices. Let us make the most favorable assumptions for such a calculation; let us assume that we have triumphed over all the difficulties of finding the data of the problem and that we know the ophélimités of all the different commodities for each individual, and all the conditions of production of all the commodities, etc. This is already an absurd hypothesis to make. Yet it is not sufficient to make the solution of the problem possible. We have seen that in the case of 100 persons and 700 commodities there will be 70,699 conditions (actually a great number of circumstances which we have so far neglected will still increase that number); we shall, therefore, have to solve a system of 70,699 equations. This exceeds practically the power of algebraic analysis, and this is even more true if one contemplates the fabulous number of equations which one obtains for a population of forty million and several thousand commodities. In this case the roles would be changed: it would be not mathematics which would assist political economy, but political economy which would assist mathematics. In other words, if one really could know all these equations, the only means to solve them which is available to human powers is to observe the practical solution given by the market.'' C. also A. Cournot, Researches into the Mathematical Principles of the Theory of Wealth (1838), trans. N. T. Bacon (New York, 1927), p. 127, where he says that if in our equations we took the entire economic system into consideration, ``this would surpass the powers of mathematical analysis and of our practical methods of calculation, even if the values of all the constants could be assigned to them numerically.''
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... before,5.1
See above, pp.[*] et seq.
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... actions.5.2
The attempts often made to evade this difficulty by an illustrative enumeration of some of the physical attributes by which we recognize the object as belonging to one of these mental categories are just begging the question. To describe a man's anger in terms of showing certain physical symptoms helps us very little unless we can exhaustively enumerate all the symptoms by which we ever recognize, and which always when they are present mean, that the man who shows them is angry. Only if we could do this would it be legitimate to say that in using this term we mean no more than certain physical phenomena.
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... brain.5.3
This must also serve as a justification for what may have seemed the very loose way in which we have throughout, in illustrative enumerations of mental entities, indiscriminately lumped together such concepts as sensation, perceptions, concepts, and ideas. These different types of mental entities all have in common that they are classifications of possible external stimuli (or complexes of such stimuli). This contention will perhaps appear less strange now than would have been the case fifty years ago, since in the configurations or Gestalt qualities we have become familiar with something that is intermediate between the old ``elementary'' sense qualities and concepts. It may be added that on this view there would, however, seem to be no justification for the unwarranted ontological conclusions which many members of the Gestalt school draw from their interesting observations; there is no reason to assume that the ``wholes'' which we perceive are properties of the external world and not merely ways in which our mind classifies complexes of stimuli; like other abstractions, the relations between the parts thus singled out may be significant or not.

Perhaps it should also be mentioned here that there is no reason to regard values as the only purely mental categories which do therefore not appear in our picture of the physical world. Although values must necessarily occupy a central place wherever we are concerned with purposive action, they are certainly not the only kind of purely mental categories which we shall have to employ in interpreting human activities: the distinction between true and false provides at least one other instance of such purely mental categories which is of great importance in this connection. On the connected point that it is not necessarily value considerations which will guide us in selecting the aspects of social life which we study, see chapter 7, footnote 7, below.

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... properties.5.4
Which, as we have already seen, does not, of course, mean that it will always treat only elements which have common properties as members of the same class.
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... principle''5.5
See pp. [*]-[*], herein.
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... sciences5.6
C. the comment on this by Carl Menger, in the passage quoted in chapter 4, footnote 3, herein.
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... before5.7
See herein, p. [*].
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... measurements5.8
It should, perhaps, be emphasized that there is no necessary connection between the use of mathematics in the social sciences and the attempts to measure social phenomena--as particularly people who are acquainted only with elementary mathematics are apt to believe. Mathematics may be--and in economics probably is-- absolutely indispensable to describe certain types of complex structural relationships, though there may be no chance of ever knowing the numerical values of the concrete magnitudes (misleadingly called ``constants'') that appear in the formulae describing these structures.
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... one.''5.9
M. R. Cohen, Reason and Nature, p. 305.
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... day,5.10
C. L. Hogben (in Lancelot Hogben's Dangerous Thoughts [1939], p. 99): ``Plenty is the excess of free energy over the collective calory debt of human effort applied to securing the needs which all human beings share.''
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... outside;6.1
The description of this contrast as one between the view from the inside and the view from the outside, though, of course, metaphorical, is less misleading than such metaphors usually are and is perhaps the best short way to indicate the nature of the contrast. It brings out that what of social complexes are directly known to us are only the parts, and that the whole is never directly perceived but always reconstructed by an effort of our imagination.
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... animal.6.2
It would, of course, be false to believe that the first instinct of the student of social phenomena is any less to ``go and see.'' It is not ignorance of the obvious but long experience which has taught him that to look directly for the wholes, which popular language suggests to exist, leads nowhere. It has, indeed, rightly become one of the first maxims which the student of social phenomena learns (or ought to learn), namely, never to speak of ``society'' or a ``country'' as acting or behaving in a certain manner, but always and exclusively to think of individuals as acting.
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... before,6.3
See herein, p. [*].
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... relationships.6.4
See F. Kaufmann, ``Soziale Kollektiva,'' Zeitschrift für Nationalökonomie 1 (1930).
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... etc.6.5
It should be noted that, though observation may assist us to understand what people mean by the terms they use, it can never tell us what ``market,'' ``capital,'' etc., really are; that is, what significant relations it would be useful to single out and combine into a model.
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... mind6.6
6 On this whole problem, see M. Ginsberg, The Psychology of Society (1921), chap. 4. What is said in the text does not, of course, preclude the possibility that our study of the way in which individual minds interact may reveal to us a structure which operates in some respects similarly to the individual mind. And it may be that the term collective mind will prove the best term available to describe such structure--though it is most unlikely that the advantages of the use of this term will ever outweigh its disadvantages. But even if this were the case, the employment of this term should not mislead us into thinking that it describes any observable object that can be directly studied.
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... accessible''6.7
Cours de philosophie positive, 4th ed., vol. 4, p. 258.
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... Mach,6.8
C Ernest Mach, Erkenntnis und Irrtum, 3d ed. (1917), p. 28, where, however, he points out correctly, ``Könnten wir die Menschen aus grösserer Entfernung, aus der Vogelperspektive, vom Monde aus beobachten, so würden die feineren Einzelheiten mit den von individuellen Erlebnissen herrührenden Einflüssen für uns verschwinden, und wir würden nichts wahrnehmen, als Menschen, die mit grosser Regelmässigkeit wachsen, sich nähren, sich fortpflanzen.''
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...Historismus7.1
F. Meinecke, Die Entstehung des Historismus (1936). The term historicism, applied to the older historical school discussed by Meinecke, is inappropriate and misleading since it was introduced by Carl Menger (see Untersuchungen über die Methoden der Sozialwissenschaften [1883], pp. 216-20--with reference to Gervinus and Roscher--and Die Irrthümer des Historismus [1884]) to describe the distinguishing features of the younger historical school in economics represented by Scroller's and his associates. Nothing else shows more clearly the difference between this younger historical school and the earlier movement from which it inherited the name than that it was Scroller's who accused Monger of being an adherent of the ``Burke-Savigny school'' and not the other way around (cf. G. Scroller's, ``Zur Methodologie der Staats-und Sozialwissenschaften,'' Jamb für Bestrebungen, etc., n.f. 7 [1886], p. 250).
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... account.7.2
Although in its German origins the connection of historicism with positivism is perhaps less conspicuous than is the case with its English followers such as Ingram or Ashley, it was no less present and is overlooked only because historicism is erroneously connected with the historical method of the older historians, instead of with the views of Roscher, Hildebrandt, and particularly Scroller's and his circle.
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... used,7.3
It will be noted that this, still restricted, use of the term science (in the sense in which the Germans speak of Gesetzeswissenschaft) is wider than the even narrower sense in which its meaning is confined to the theoretical sciences of nature.
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... field.7.4
C., e.g., E. F. M. Durbin, ``Methods of Research--A Plea for Cooperation in the Social Sciences,'' Economic Journal (June 1938), p. 191, in which the writer argues that in the social sciences, ``unlike the natural sciences, our subdivisions are largely (though not entirely) abstractions from reality rather than sections of reality,'' and asserts of the natural sciences that ``in all these cases the objects of study are real independent objects and groups. They are not aspects of something complex. They are real things.'' How this can be really asserted, for example, of crystallography (one of Durbin's examples), is difficult to comprehend. This argument has been extremely popular with the members of the German historical school in economics, though, it should be added, Durbin is probably entirely unaware how closely his whole attitude resembles that of the Kathedersozialisten of that school.
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... time.7.5
For a good survey of the modern theories of historical relativism, see M. Mandelbaum, The Problem of Historical Knowledge (New York, 1938).
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... individuals7.6
See footnote 9 in this chapter.
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... period.7.7
It is not possible here to pursue further the interesting question of the reasons which make the historian ask particular questions and which make him ask at different times different questions about the same period. We ought, however, perhaps briefly to refer to one view which has exercised wide influence, since it claims application not only to history but to all Kulturwissenschaften. It is Rickert's contention that the social sciences, to which, according to him, the histoncal method is alone appropriate, select their object exclusively with reference to certain values with respect to which they are important. Unless by ``value consideration'' (Wertbezogenheit) any kind of practical interest in a problem is meant so that this concept would include the reasons which make us, say, study the geology of Cumberland, this is certainly not necessarily the case. If, merely to indulge my taste in detective work, I try to find out why in the year x Mr. N was elected mayor of Cambridge, this is no less historical work though no known value may have been affected by the fact that Mr. N rather than somebody else was elected. It is not the reason why we are interested in a problem, but the character of the problem that makes it a historical problem.
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... elements.7.8
It does not alter the essential fact that the theorizing will usually already have been done for the historian by his source, who in reporting the ``facts'' will use such terms as state and town, which cannot be defined by physical characteristics but which refer to a complex of relationships which, made explicit, is a ``theory'' of the subject.
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... individuals,7.9
The confusion that reigns in this field has evidently been assisted by a purely verbal confusion apt to arise in German, in which most of the discussions of this problem have been conducted. In German the singular or unique is called the Individuelle, which almost inevitably calls forth a misleading association with the term for the individual (Individuum). Now, individual is the term which we employ to describe those natural units which in the physical world our senses enable us to single out from the environment as connected wholes. Individuals in this sense, whether human individuals or animals or plants, or stones, mountains, or stars, are constant collections of sense attributes which, either because the whole complex can move together in space relatively to its environment, or for cognate reasons, our senses spontaneously single out as connected wholes. But this is precisely what the objects of history are not. Though singular (individuelle), as the individual is, they are not definite individuals in the sense in which this term is applied to natural objects. They are not given to us as wholes but only found to be wholes.
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... ``theories''7.10
There is, of course, also a legitimate sense in which we may speak of historical theories, where theory is used as a synonym for factual hypothesis. In this sense the unconfirmed explanation of a particular event is often called a historical theory, but such a theory is of course something altogether different from the theories which pretend to state laws which historical developments obey.
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... vice''7.11
L. Brunschvicg, in Philosophy and History, Essays Presented to E. Classier, ed. R. Klibansky and H. J. Paxton (Oxford, 1936), p. 30.
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... them.7.12
C. C. V. Langlois and C. Seignobos, Introduction to the Study of History, trans. G. G. Berry (London, 1898), p. 222: ``If former humanity did not resemble humanity of today, documents would be unintelligible.''
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... occur.7.13
C. W. Eucken, Grundlagen der Nationalökonomie (1940), pp. 203-5
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...'' 7.14
``Man is what is known to all.'' C. H. Diehis, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 4th ed. (Berlin, 1922), ``Democritus,'' f.n. 165, vol. 2, p. 94. I owe the reference to Democritus in this connection to Professor Alexander Rüstow.
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... ``pragmatic''8.1
On this concept of the ``pragmatic'' interpretation of social institutions as for the whole of this section, see Carl Menger, Untersuchungen über die Methoden der Sozialwissenschatten (1883; L. S. E. reprint 1933), bk. 2, chap. 2; this is still the most comprehensive and most careful survey known to me of the problems here discussed.
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... before,8.2
See herein, chap. 2, fn. 3.
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... calculation.''8.3
See M. Schick, Fragen der Ethik (Vienna, 1930), p. 72.
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... serves.8.4
On the use of teleological concepts in biology, compare the careful discussion in J. H. Woodger, Biological Principles (1929), particularly ``Teleology and Causation,'' pp. 429-51; also the earlier discussion in the same work (p. 291) on the ``scientific habit of thought'' causing the ``scandal'' of biologists not taking organization seriously and ``in their haste to become physicists, neglecting their business.''
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... sciences.''8.5
Menger, p. cit., p. 163: ``Hier ist es wo uns das merkwürdige, vielleicht das merkwürdigste Problem der Sozialwissenschaften entgegentritt: Wieso vermögen dem Gemeinwohl dienende und für dessen Entwicklung höchst bedeutsame Institutionen ohne einen auf ihre Begründung gerichteten Gemeinwillen zu entstehen?'' If for the ambiguous and somewhat question-begging ``social welfare'' we substitute in this statement ``institutions that are necessary conditions for the achievement of man's conscious purposes,'' it is hardly saying too much tat the way in which such ``purposive wholes'' are formed and preserved is the specific problem of social theory, just as the existence and persistence of organisms are the problem of biology.
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... recognized8.6
How much intellectual progress has been obstructed here by political passions is readily seen when we compare the discussion of the problem in the economic and political sciences with, say, the study of language, wherein what is still disputed in the former, is a commonplace which nobody dreams of questioning.
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... desire.8.7
Menger (p. cit., p. 208) speaks in this connection rightly of ``a pragmatism which, against the wishes of its representatives, leads inevitably to socialism.'' Today this view is most frequently found in the writings of the American ``institutionalists,'' of which the following (from Professor W. H. Hamilton, ``Institution,'' in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 8, pp. 87-89) is a good example: ``The tangled thing called capitalism was never created by design or cut to a blueprint; but now that it is here, contemporary schoolmen have intellectualized it into a purposive and self-regulating instrument of general welfare.'' From this it is of course only a few steps to the demand that ``order and direction should be imposed upon an unruly society.''
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... creation.8.8
A typical example of the treatment of social institutions as if they were true artifacts, in a characteristic scientistic setting, is provided by J. Mayer, Social Science Principles in the Light of Scientific Method (Durham, N. C., 1941), p. 20; here society is explicitly ``designated as an `artificial creation,' much as an automobile or steel mill is, that is to say, made by the artifice of man.''
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... concepts,8.9
The best illustration, perhaps, of how we constantly make use of the experience or knowledge acquired by others is the way in which, by learning to speak, we learn to classify things in a certain manner without acquiring the actual experiences which have led successive generations to evolve this system of classification. There is a great deal of knowledge which we never consciously know implicit in the knowledge of which we are aware, knowledge which yet constantly serves us in our actions, though we can hardly be said to ``possess'' it.
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... seen,8.10
See herein, chap. 7.
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... discussed.8.11
See herein, pp. [*]-[*]. See also Menger, p. cit., pp. 165 et seq.
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... them.''9.1
A. N. Whitehead, An Introduction to Mathematics, Home University Library (1911),p. 61.
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... mind.9.2
It cannot be objected to this that what is meant by conscious control is control not by a single mind but by a concerted and ``coordinated'' effort of all, or all the best minds, instead of by their fortuitous interplay. This phrase about the deliberate coordination merely shifts the task of the individual mind to another stage but leaves the ultimate responsibility still with the coordinating mind. Committees and other devices for facilitating communications are excellent means to assist the individual in learning as much as possible; but they do not extend the capacity of the individual mind. The knowledge that can be consciously coordinated in this manner is still limited to what the individual mind can effectively absorb and digest. As every person with experience of committee work knows, its fertility is limited to what the best mind among the members can master; if the results of the discussion are not ultimately turned into a coherent whole by an individual mind, they are likely to be inferior to what would have been produced unaided by a single mind.
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... judged,''9.3
L. T. Hobhouse, Democracy and Reaction (1904), p. 108.
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... become,''9.4
Joseph Needham, Integrative Levels: A Revaluation of the Idea of Progress, Herbert Spencer Lecture (Oxford, 1937), p. 47.
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... itself,''9.5
Karl Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction (1940), p. 213.
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... term.9.6
See herein, pp. [*]-[*].
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... out.9.7
Interesting illustrations of the length to which these absurdities have been carried will be found in E. Gruenwald, Das Problem der Soziologie des Wissens (Vienna, 1934), a posthumously published sketch of a very young scholar which still constitutes the most comprehensive survey of the literature of the subject.
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... mind,9.8
See herein, pp. [*]-[*].
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... destroyed.9.9
It is, perhaps, not so obvious as to make it unnecessary to mention that the fashionable disparagement of any activity which, in science or the arts, is carried on ``for its own sake,'' and the demand for a ``conscious social purpose'' in everything, are expressions of the same general tendency and are based on the same illusions of complete knowledge as those discussed in the text.
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... depend.9.10
Additional aspects of the big problems here just touched upon are discussed in my Road to Serfdom (1944), esp. chaps. 6, 14.
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... civilization.9.11
It is characteristic of the spirit of the time, and of positivism in particular, when A. Comte speaks (Système de poiltique positive, vol. 1, p. 356) of ``la supériorité necessaire de la morale démontrée sur la morale révélée,'' characteristic especially in its implied assumption that a rationally constructed moral system is the only alternative to one revealed by a higher being.
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... field.10.1
For those who wish to pursue the matters discussed in the previous chapter, a few references to several relevant works may be added which have appeared since this was first published. In addition to the Selected Writings of Edward Sapir, ed. D. G. Mandelbaum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949), esp. pp. 46 f., 104, 162, 166, 546 ff., and 553), already mentioned earlier, the reader will with advantage consult G. Ryle, ``Knowing How and Knowing That,'' Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, n.s., vol. 46 (1945), and the corresponding passages in the same author's The Concept of Mind (London, 1949); K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (London, 1946); and M. Polyani, The Logic of Liberty (London, 1951).
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... explicit;10.2
Again, one of the best illustrations of this tendency is provided by K. Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction (1940), esp. pp. 240-44 wherein he explains that ``functionalism made its first appearance in the field of the natural sciences, and could be described as the technical point of view. It has only recently been transferred to the social sphere .... Once this technical approach was transferred from natural sciences to human affairs, it was bound to bring about a profound change in man himself.... The functional approach no longer regards ideas and moral standards as absolute values, but as products of the social process which can, if necessary, be changed by scientific guidance combined with political practice .... The extension of the doctrine of technical supremacy which I have advocated in this book is in my opinion inevitable .... Progress in the technique of organization is nothing but the application of technical conceptions to the forms of cooperation. A human being, regarded as part of the social machine, is to a certain extent stabilized in his reactions by training and education, and all his recently acquired activities are coordinated according to a definite principle of efficiency within an organized framework.''
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... scheme.10.3
The best description of this feature of the engineering approach by an engineer which I have been able to find occurs in a speech of the great German optical engineer Ernest Abbe: ``Wie der Architekt ein Bauwerk, bevor eine Hand zur Ausführung sich rührt, schon im Geist vollendet hat, nur unter Beihilfe von Zeichenstift und Feder zur Fixierung seiner Idee, so muss auch das kimplizierte Gebilde von Glas und Metal sich aufbauen lassen rein verstandesmässig, in alien Elementen bis ins letzte vorausbestimmt, in rein geistiger Arbeit, durch theoretische Ermittlung der Wirkung aller Teile, bevor diese Teile noch körperlich ausgeführt sind. Der arbeitenden Hand darf dabei keine andere Funktion mehr verbleiben als die genaue Verwirklichung der durch die Rechnungen bestimmten Formen und Abmessungen aller Konstruktionselemente, und der praktischen Erfahrung keine andere Aufgabe als die Beherrschung der Methoden und Hilfsmittel, die für letzteres, die körperliche Verwirklichung, geeignet sind'' (quoted in Franz Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrbundert [1934], vol. 3, p. 222--a work which is a mine of information on this as on all other matters of the intellectual history of Germany in the nineteenth century)
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... quantities.''10.4
It would take too long here to explain in any detail why, whatever delegation or division of labor is possible in preparing an engineering blueprint, it is very limited and differs in essential respects from the division of knowledge on which the impersonal social processes rest. It must suffice to point out that not only must the precise nature of the result be fixed which anyone who has to draw up part of an engineering plan must achieve, but also, to make such delegation possible, it must be known that the result can be achieved at no more than a certain maximum cost.
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...natura10.5
The most persistent advocate of such in natura calculation is, signifcantly, Dr. Otto Neurath, the protagonist of modern ``physicalism'' and ``objectivism.''
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... itself.10.6
C. the characteristic passage in B. Bavinck, The Anatomy of Modern Science, trans. H. S. Hatfeld from 4th German ed. (1932), p. 564: ``When our technology is still at work on the problem of transforming heat into work in a manner better than that possible with our present-day steam and other heat engines ...this is not directly done to cheapen production of energy, but first of all because it is an end in itself to increase the thermal efficiency of a heat engine as much as possible. If the problem set is to transform heat into work, then this must be done in such a way that the greatest possible fraction of the heat is so transformed.... The ideal of the designer of such machines is therefore the efficiency of the Carnot cycle, the ideal process which delivers the greatest theoretical efficiency.''

It is easy to see why this approach, together with the desire to achieve a calculation in natura, leads engineers so frequently to the construction of systems of ``energetics'' that it has been said, with much justice, that ``das Charakteristikum der Weltanschauung des Ingenieurs ist die energetische Weltanschauung'' (L. Brinkmann, Der Ingenieur [Frankfurt, 1908], p. 16). We have already referred (pp. [*]-[*]) to this characteristic manifestation of scientistic ``objectivism,'' and there is no space here to return to it in greater detail. But it deserves to be recorded how widespread and typical this view is and how great the influence it has exercised. E. Solvay, G. Ratzenhofer, W. Ostwald, P. Geddes, F. Soddy, H. G. Wells, the ``Technocrats,'' and L. Hogben are only a few of the influential authors in whose works energetics play a more or less prominent role. There are several studies of this movement in French and German (Nyssens, L'énergetique [Brussels, 1908]; G. Barnich, Principes de politique positive baste sur l'énergetique sociale de Solvay [Brussels, 1918]; Schnehen, Energetische Weltanschauung [1907]; A. Dochmann, F. W. Ostwald's Energetik [Bern, 1908]; and the best, Max Weber, ``Energetische Kulturtheorien'' [1909], reprinted in Gesammelte Aufsiitze zur Wissenschaftslehre [1922]), but none of them is adequate and none, to my knowledge, is in English.

The section from the work of Bavinck from which a passage has been quoted above condenses the gist of the enormous literature, mostly German, on the ``philosophy of technology'' which has had a wide circulation and of which the best known is E. Zschimmer, Philosophie der Technik, 3d ed. (Stuttgart, 1933) . (Similar ideas pervade the well-known American works of Lewis Mumford.) This German literature is very instructive as a psychological study, though otherwise about the dreariest mixture of pretentious platitudes and revoking nonsense this author has ever perused. Its common feature is the enmity toward all economic considerations, the attempted vindication of purely technological ideals, and the glorification of the organization of the whole of society on the principle on which a single factory is run. (On the last point, see particularly F. Dessauer, Philosophie der Technik [Bonn, 1927], p. 129.)

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... possible.10.7
That this is fully recognized by its advocates is shown by the popularity among all socialists from Saint-Simon to Marx and Lenin, of the phrase that the whole of society should be run in precisely the same manner as a single factory is now being run. C. V. I.Lenin, The State and Revolution, Little Lenin Library (1933), p. 78: ``The whole of society will have become a single office and a single factory with equality of work and equality of pay''; and for Saint-Simon and Marx, p. [*], fn. 18, herein.
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... contracts.10.8
On these problems, see my essay ``The Use of Knowledge in Society,'' American Economic Review 35, no. 4 (September 1945), reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 77-91.
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... authority.10.9
It is important to remember in this connection that the statistical aggregates, upon which, it is often suggested, the central authority could rely in its decisions, are always arrived at by a deliberate disregard of the peculiar circumstances of time and place.
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... supply.10.10
See in this connection the suggestive discussion of the problem in K. F. Mayer, Goldwanderungen (Jena, 1935), pp. 66-68 and also my article ``Economics and Knowledge,'' Economica (February 1937), reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 33-56.
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... intention.''10.11
Scientific Outlook, 1931, p. 211.
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... ''10.12
Ibid. The passage quoted could be interpreted in an unobjectionable sense if the phrase ``certain purposes'' is taken to mean not particular predetermined results but the capacity to provide what the individuals at any time wish--that is, if what is planned is machinery which can serve many ends and need not in turn be ``consciously'' directed toward a particular end.
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... activity.''10.13
A. Bebel, Die Frau und der Sozialismus, 13th ed. (1892), p. 376: ``Der Sozialismus ist die mit Harem Bewusstsein and mit voller Erkenntnis auf alle Gebiete menschlicher Taetigkeit angewandte Wissenschaft.'' See also E. Ferri, Socialism and Positive Science (trans. from Italian ed., 1894). The first clearly to see this connection seems to have been M. Ferraz, Socialisme, naturalisme et positivisme (Pairs, 1877).
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... down.''10.14
M. R. Cohen, Reason and Nature (1931), p. 449. It is significant that one of the leading members of the movement with which we are concerned, the German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach, explicitly chose the opposite principle, homo homini Deus, as his guiding maxim.
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... connected.11.1
D'Alembert was fully aware of the significance of the tendency he was supporting and anticipated later positivism to the extent of expressly condemning everything that did not aim at the development of positive truths and even suggesting that ``all occupations with purely speculative subjects should be excluded from a healthy state as profitless pursuits.'' Yet he did not include in this the moral sciences and even, with his master Locke, regarded them as a priori sciences comparable with mathematics and of equal certainty with it. On all this, see G. Misei, ``Zur Entstehung des französischen Positivismus,'' Archiv für Philosophie, Abt. 1, Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. 14 (1901), esp. pp. 7, 31, 158; M. Schinz, Geschichte der franzdsischen Philosophie seit der Revolution, Bd. 1, Die Anf änge des französischen Positivismus (Strasbourg, 1914), pp. 58, 67-69, 71, 96, 149; and H. Gouhier, La jeunesse d'Auguste Comte a La formation du positivisme (Paris, 1936), vol. 2, introd.
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... significance.11.2
C. E. Mach, Die Mechanik in ihrer Entwicklung, 3d ed. (1897), p.449.
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... fetishism,11.3
In his famous work Du culte des dieux fétishes (1760).
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... experience.''11.4
Oeuvres de Turgot, ed. Daire (Paris, 1844), vol. 2, p. 656. Compare also Ibid., p. 601.
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... out11.5
See particularly the detailed analysis by Misch and the books by Schinz and Gouhier cited in footnote 1 of this chapter, and also M. Uta, La théorie du savoir dans la philosophie d'Auguste Comte (Paris: Alcan, 1928).
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... role.11.6
To avoid giving a wrong impression it should perhaps also be stressed at this point that the liberalism of the French Revolution was of course based not yet on the understanding of the market mechanism provided by Adam Smith and the utilitarians, but on the law of nature and the rationalistic-pragmatic interpretation of social phenomena which is essentially pre-Smithian and of which Rousseau's social contract is the prototype. One might indeed trace much of the contrast, which with Saint-Simon and Comte became an open opposition to classical economics, back to the differences which existed, say, between Montesquieu and Hume, Quesnay and Smith, or Condorcet and Bentham. Those French economists who like Gondillac and J. B. Say followed essentially the same trend as Smith never had an influence on French political thought comparable to that of Smith in England. The result of this was that the transition from the older rationalist views of society, which regarded it as a conscious creation of man, to the newer view which wanted to re-create it on scientific principles, took place in France without passing through a stage in which the working of the spontaneous forces of society was generally understood. The revolutionary cult of Reason was symptomatic of the general acceptance of the pragmatic conception of social institutions--the very opposite of the view of Smith. And in a sense it would be as true to say that it was the same veneration of Reason as the universal creator which led to the triumphs of science that led to the new attitude to social problems as it is to say that it was the influence of the new habits of thought created by the triumphs of science and technology. If socialism is not a direct child of the French Revolution, it springs at least from that rationalism which distinguished most of the French political thinkers of the period from the contemporary English liberalism of Hume and Smith and (to a lesser degree) Bentham and the philosophical radicals. On all this, see now the first essay in my Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University Press, 1948).
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... man,''11.7
Condorcet, Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain, ed. O. H. Prior (1793; Paris, 1933), p. 11.
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... measured.11.8
C. his Tableau général de la science qui a pour objet l'application du calcul aux sciences politiques et morales, oeuvres, ed. Arago (Paris, 1847-49), vol. 1, pp. 539-73.
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... bees.''11.9
Ibid., p. 392.
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... sciences.''11.10
Condorcet, Rapport et projet de décret sur l'organization générale de l'instruction publique, ed. G. Compayre (1792; Paris, 1883), p.120.
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... it.11.11
Condorcet, Esquisse, ed. Prior, p. 11.
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... observation.11.12
Ibid., p. 200.
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... nature?''11.13
Ibid., p. 203. The famous passage in which this sentence occurs figures, characteristically, as motto of book 6, ``On the Logic of the Moral Sciences,'' of J. S. Mill's Logic.
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... day.11.14
It is worthy of mention that the man who was so largely responsible for the creation of what in the late nineteenth century came to be regarded as ``historical sense,'' that is, of the Entwicklungsgedanke with all its metaphysical associations, was the same man who was capable of celebrating in a discourse the deliberate destruction of papers relating to the history of the noble families of France. ``Today Reason burns the innumerable volumes which attest the vanity of a caste. Other vestiges remain in public and private libraries. They must be involved in a common destruction.''
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... use.''11.15
Décade philosophique (1794), vol. 1, in Gouhier, La jeunesse d'Auguste Comte, vol.2, p. 31.
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... education.11.16
See E. Allain, L'oeuvre scolaire de la révolution, 1789-1802 (Paris, 1891); C. Hippeau, L'instruction publique en France pendant la révolution (Paris, 1883); and F. Picavet, Le idéologues (Paris, 1891), pp. 56-61.
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... absent.11.17
See Allain, p. cit., pp. 117-20.
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... deficiencies,11.18
After 1803 the ancient languages were at least partly restored in Napoleon's lycées
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... ''11.19
H. de Saint-Simon, ``Mémoire sur la science de l'homme'' (1813), in Oeuvres de Saint-Simon and d'Enfantin (Paris, 1877--78), vol. 40, p. 16.
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... supplies11.20
Particularly of saltpeter for the production of gunpowder.
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... polytechnique11.21
See Pressard, Histoire de l'association philotechnique (Paris, 1889), and Gouhier, p. cit., p. 54.
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... common.11.22
On the foundation and history of the Ecole polytechnique, see A. Fourcy, Histoire de l' Ecole polytechnique (Paris, 1828); G. Pinet,Histoire de l'Ecole polytechnique (Paris, 1887); G.-G. J. Jacobi, ``Ueber die Pariser polytecbnische Schule (Vortrag gehalten am 22. Mai 1835, in der physikalisch-ökonomischen Gesellschaft zu Königsberg),'' in Gesammelte Werke (Berlin, 1891), vol. 6, p. 355; F. Schnabel,Die Anfänge des technischen Hochschulwesens (Stuttgart, 1925); and F. Klein, Vorlesungen über die Entwicklung der Mathematik (Berlin, 1926), vol. 1, pp. 63-89.
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... engineer.11.23
Carnot had in 1783 published Essay on Machines in General (in the second edition [1803] of Principes fondamentaux de l'équilibre du mouvement) in which he not only expounded Lagrange's new view of mechanics but developed the idea of the ``ideal machine'' which takes nothing away from the force that puts it into motion. His work did much to prepare the way for that of his son, Sadi Carnot, ``the founder of the science of energy.'' His younger son, Hippolyte, was the leading member of the Saint-Simonian group and actual writer of the Doctrine de Saint-Simon, which we shall meet later. Lazare Carnot, the father, had been a lifelong admirer and protector of Saint-Simon himself. As Arago reports of Lazare Carnot, he ``always discoursed with (Arago) on the political organization of society precisely as he speaks in his work of a machine.'' See F. Arago, Biographies of Distinguished Men, trans. W. H. Smith, etc. (London, 1857), pp. 300-304, and E. Dühring, Kritische Geschichte der allgemeinen Principien der Mechanik, 3d ed. (Leipzig, 1887), pp. 258-61.
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... Laplace)11.24
L. de Launay, Un grand français, Monge, fonclateur de l'Ecole polytechnique (Paris, 1933), p. 130.
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... engineers.11.25
C. A. Comte, ``Philosophical Considerations on the Sciences and Men of Science,'' in Early Essays on Social Philosophy, New Universal Library (London, 1825), p. 272, in which he says that he knows ``but one conception capable of giving a precise idea of [the characteristic doctrines fitted to constitute the special existence of the class of engineers], that of the illustrious Monge, in his Géometrie descriptive, where he gives a general theory of the arts of construction.''
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... reluctance.11.26
Jacobi, p. cit., p. 370.
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... distinguished,11.27
Fourcroy, Vauquelin, Chaptal.
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... Humboldt11.28
In March 1808, shortly after he had arrived in Paris (nominally on a diplomatic mission), Alexander von Humboldt wrote to a friend: ``Je passe ma vie à l' Ecole polytechnique et aux Tuileries. Je travaille à l'Ecole, j'y couche; j'y mis tous les nuit, tous les matins. J'habite la même chambre avec Gay-Lussac'' (K. Bruhns, Alexander von Humboldt [1872], vol. 2, p. 6).
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... eyes.''11.29
Laplace, ``Essai philosophique sur les probabilitds'' (1814), in Les maitres de la pensée scientifique (Paris, 1921), p. 3.
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... fascination11.30
See, for instance, the reference to it in Abel Transon, De la religion Saint-Simonienne: Aux elèves de l'Ecole polytechnique (Paris, 1830), p. 27. See also herein, chap. 12, fn. 15.
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... fiction.''11.31
See O. Neurath, Empirische Soziologie (Vienna, 1931), p. 129. On the postulate of universal determinism which is really involved, see particularly K. Popper, Logik der Forschung (1935), p. 183; P. Frank, Das Kausalgesetz; and R. von Mises, Probability, Statistics and Truth (1939), pp. 284-94. Equally characteristic of the positivist spirit and no less influential in spreading it is the famous anecdote about Laplace's answer to Napoleon when asked why in his Mécanique céleste the name of God did not appear: ``Je n'ai pas besoin de cette hypothèse.''
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... example.11.32
Dühring, p. cit., pp. 569 et seq.
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... practices,11.33
H. de Balzac, after remarking in one of his novels (Autre étude de femme) how different periods had enriched the French language by certain characteristic words (organiser, for example), adds that it is ``un mot de l'empire qui contient Napoléon tout entier.''
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... questions,''11.34
E. Keller,Le général de la Moricière, quoted in Pinet, p. cit., p. 136.
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... road''11.35
A. Thibaudet, quoted in Gouhier, p. cit., vol. 1, p. 146.
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... out.11.36
See Arago, p. cit., vol. 3, p. 109, and F. Bastiat, Baccalauréat et socialisme (Paris, 1850).
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... Sorel.11.37
See G. Pinet, Ecrivains et penseurs polytechniciens (Paris, 1898).
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... society.11.38
See, however, the essays of Lavoisier and Lagrange in Daire, Mélanges d'économie politique, 2 vols. (Paris, 1847-48), 1:575-607.
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... names.''11.39
See Arago, p. cit., vol. 2, p. 34, wherein he points out that Ampère (a physiologist by training) was one of the few connecting links between the two groups.
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... methods.11.40
On Cuvier's influence, see the account in J. T. Merz, A History of European Thought in the Nineteenth Century (1906), vol. 1, pp. 136 et seq., wherein the following characteristic passage is quoted (p. 154) from Cuvier's Rapport historique sur le progrès des sciences naturelles depuis 1789 (Paris, 1810), p. 389: ``Experiments alone, experiments that are precise, made with weights, measures, and calculation, by comparison of all substances employed and all substances obtained; this today is the only legitimate way of reasoning and demonstration. Thus, though the natural sciences escape the application of the calculus, they glory in being subject to the mathematical spirit, and by the wise course they have invariably adopted, they do not expose themselves to the risk of taking a backward step.'' See also Lord Acton, Lectures on Modern History, pp. 22, 338 n. 82.
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...Ideology,11.41
A. C. Thibaudeau (Bonaparte and the Consulate [1843; trans. G. K. Fortescue, 1908], p. 153) points out that, although the terms idéologues and idéologie, commonly ascribed to Napoleon, were introduced as technical terms by Destutt de Tracy in the first volume of his Eléments d'idéologie (1801), at least the word idéologie was known in French as early as 1684.
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... constitution.11.42
On the whole ideological school, see the comprehensive exposition in F. Picavet, Les ldéologues, Essai sur l'histoire des idées et des théories scientifiques, philosophiques, religieuses, en France depuis 1789 (Paris, 1891), and, published since this essay first appeared, E. Cailliet, La Tradition littéraire des idéologues (Philadelphia, 1943). The expression was indeed used in very much the same wide sense as their German contemporaries used the term anthropology. On the German parallel to the idéologues, see F. Günther, ``Die Wissenschaft vom Menschen, ein Beittag zum deutschen Geistesleben im Zeitalter des Rationalismus,'' in Geschichtliche Untersuchungen, ed. K. Lamprecht (1907), vol. 5.
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... zoology,11.43
Picavet, p. cit., p. 337.
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... economics.11.44
Ibid., p. 314.
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... sciences;11.45
Ibid., p. 250. See also pp. 131-35, wherein Cabanis' predecessor in these efforts, Voiney, is discussed. In 1793, Volney had published Catéchisme du Citoyen Français, later to become La loi naturelle ou les principes physiques de la morale, in which he unsuccessfully attempted to make morals into a physical science.
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... morals.11.46
Picavet, p. cit., p. 226.
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... value.11.47
On Destutt de Tracy, see H. Michel, L'ldée d'état (Paris, 1895),pp. 282-86; on Louis Say, see A. Schatz, L'lndividualisme èconomique et social (Paris, 1907), pp. 153 et seq.
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... day.11.48
Picavet, p. cit., p. 82.
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... him.11.49
See the passage from Napoleon's reply to the Council of State at its session of December 20, 1812, quoted by Pare to (Mind and Society, vol. 3, p. 1244) from the Moniteur universel (Paris), December 21, 1812: ``All the misfortunes that our beautiful France has been experiencing have to be ascribed to `ideology,' to that cloudy metaphysics which goes ingeniously seeking first causes and would ground legislation of the peoples upon them instead of adapting laws to what we know of the human heart and the lessons of history. Such errors could only lead to a regime of men of blood and have in fact done so. Who cajoled the people by thrusting upon it a sovereignty it was unable to exercise? Who destroyed the sacredness of the laws and respect for the laws by basing them not on the sacred principles of justice, on the nature of things, and the nature of civil justice, but simply on the will of an assembly made up of individuals who are strangers to any knowledge of law, whether civil, administrative, political, or military? When a man is called upon to reorganize a state, he must follow principles that are forever in conflict. The advantages and disadvantages of the different systems of legislation have to be sought in history.'' See also H. Taine, Les origines de la France contemporaine (1876), vol. 2, pp. 214-33. Not because of its historical correctness, which may be questioned, but to show how all this appeared to the next generation, the following characteristic statement by a leading Saint-Simonian may be quoted: ``Après 1793, l'Académie des sciences prend le sceptre; les mathématiciens et physiciens remplacent les littérateurs:Monge, Fourcroy, Laplace ...règnent dans le royaume de l'intelligence. En même temps, Napoléon, membre de l'Institut, classe de mécanique, étouffe au berceau les enfants légitimes de la philosophie du XVIIIe siècle'' (P. Enfantin, Colonisation de l'Algérie [1843], pp. 521-22).
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... matters''11.50
See A. C. Thibaudeau, Le Consulat et l'empire (Paris, 1835-7), vol. 3, p. 396.
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...tribunat. 11.51
See J. B. Say, Traité d'économie politique, 2d ed. (1814), Avertissement.
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... country.11.52
See G. Chinard, Jefferson et les idéologues (Baltimore, 1925).
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... suppressed.11.53
See Merz, p. cit., p. 149.
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... thirty-eight,12.1
The date, hence the age, is not quite certain.
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... light,12.2
See H. Gouhier,La jeunesse d'Auguste Comte et la formation du positivisme, vol. 2, Saint-Simon jusqu'à la restauration (Paris, 1936), which for the first forty-fve years of Saint-Simon's life supersedes all earlier biographies, including the best of them: G. Weill, Un pécurseur du socialisme, Saint-Simon et son oeuvre (Paris, 1894); M. Leroy, La vie véritable du comte de Saint-Simon, 1760-1825 (Paris, 1925); and G. Dumas, Psychologie de deux messies positivistes, Saint-Simon et Auguste Comte (Paris, 1905).
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... knowledge.''12.3
``J'ai employé mon argent à acquérir de la science; grande chère, bon yin, beaucoup d'empressements vis-à-vis des professeurs auxquels ma bourse était ouverte, me procuraient toutes les faciités que je pouvais désirer'' (in M. Leroy, p. cit., P. 210).
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...esprit,''12.4
Léon Halévy, ``Souvenirs de Saint-Simon,'' La France littéraire (March 1832), partially reproduced in G. Brunet, Revue d'histoire économique et sociale (1925), p. 168.
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... created?''12.5
Madame de Staël, De la littérature considérée dans ses rapports avec les institutions sociales (1800); passages quoted from ``Discours préliminaire'' 3d ed. (1818), vol. 1, p. 58, and vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 215.
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... contemporains,12.6
See Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin (Paris, 1865-78) (henceforth cited as OSSE), vol. 15, pp. 7-60, and the new edition reprinted from the original with an introduction by A. Pereire (Paris, 1925). Nearly all the important passages from Saint-Simon's works are conveniently brought together in L'oeuvre d'Henri de Saint-Simon, Textes choisies avec une introduction par C. Bouglé, Notice bibliographique de A. Pereire (Paris, 1925). In the references below, the first refers to the Oeuvres, the second (in parentheses) to the separate edition of the Lettres of 1925. For the complicated history of the various editions and manuscripts of this work, see Gouhier p. cit., pp. 224 et seq.
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... musicians.12.7
OSSE, vol. 15,p. 11(3).
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... votes,12.8
Ibid., p. 51 (55).
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... earth,12.9
Ibid., p. 49 (53).
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... paradise.12.10
Ibid., p. 48 (52).
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... everywhere.12.11
Ibid., pp. 50-53 (54-58).
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... period?12.12
In Lettres, ed. A. Pereire, pp. xv, 93.
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... alchemists.''12.13
OSSE, vol. 15, p. 39 (39).
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... you.''12.14
Ibid., p. 40 (40).
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... gravitation.12.15
Ibid., pp. 39-40, 55 (39, 61). The passage in which Saint-Simon praises the significance of that universal law is a curious anticipation of Laplace's famous world formula (ibid., p. 59[67]): ``Faites la supposition que vous avez acquis connoissance de la manière dont la matière s'est trouvée repartie à une époque quelconque, et que vous avez fait le plan de l'Univers, en désignant par des nombres la quantité de matière qui se trouvoit contenue dans chacune des ces parties, il sera clair à vos yeux qu'en faisant sur ce plan d'application de la loi de la pesanteur universelle, vous pourriez prédire (aussi exactment que l'état des connoissances mathématiques vous le permetroit) tous les changements successifs qui arriveraient dans l'Univers.'' Although Laplace published his formula only in 1814, we must, no doubt, assume that the idea would have been familiar from his lectures delivered in 1796, to which he later added the introcluction containing the famous phrase.
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... views;12.16
Ibid., p.26 (23).
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... classes.12.17
Ibid., p. 28 (25).
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... works.''12.18
Ibid., p. 55 (61). C. p. 57 (65): ``L'obligation est imposée à chacun de donner constamment à ses forces personelles une direction utile à l'humanité; les bras du pauvre continueront à nourir le riche, mais le riche reçoit le commandement de faire travailler sa cervelle, et si sa cervelle n'est pas propre au travail, il sera bien obligé de faire travailler ses bras; car Newton ne laissera sûrement pas sur cette planète (une des plus voisines du soleil) des ouvriers volontairement inutiles dans l'atelier.'' The idea of the organization of society on the example of the workshop, which appears here for the first time in literature, has, of course, since played an important role in all socialist literature. See particularly G. Sorel, ``Le syndicalisme révolutionaire,'' in Mouvement socialiste, November 1 and 15, 1905. C. also K. Marx, Das Kapital, 10th ed., vol. 1, chap. 12, sec. 4, pp. 3 19-24.
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... quadruped.''12.19
Lettres, ed. A. Pereire, p. 54. The passage has been discreetly suppressed by his pupils who edited Oeuvres.
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... life.12.20
OSSE, vol. 15, p. 54 (59).
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... siècle12.21
Two vols. (1807-08). The introduction has not been included in Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin and must be consulted in Oeuvres choisies de C.-H. de Saint-Simon (Bruxelles, 1859), vol. 1, pp. 43-264.
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... organized.12.22
Oeuvres choisies, vol. 1 (``Mon portefeuille''): ``Trouver une synthèse scientifique qui codifle les dogmes du nouveau pouvoir et serve de base à une réorganisation de l'Europe.''
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... physicism.''12.23
Ibid., p. 219. See also pp. 195, 214-15, 223-24.
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... classes.12.24
Ibid., p. 214: ``Je crois à la nécessité d'une religion pour le maintien de l'ordre social; je crois que le déisme est usé, je crois que le physicisme n'est point assez solidement établi pour pouvoir servir de base à une religion. Je crois que Ia force des choses veut qu'il y ait deux doctrines distinctes: le Physicisme pour les gens instruits, et le Déisme pour la classe ignorante.''
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... ``deism''12.25
Saint-Simon uses deism and theism indiscriminately for monotheism.
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... years,12.26
Ibid., p. 195.
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... destructive.12.27
Ibid., p. 146.
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... name.12.28
Ibid., p. 61.
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... humanity.12.29
Ibid., pp. 243-44.
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... prodigious.''12.30
Ibid., pp. 231, 236. Descartes has now become the hero because our perpetual time-server has become violently nationalistic, deplores the English predominance which is still defiling French science, and wants to give the initiative to the French. The work pretends to be an answer to Napoleon's question to the Académie on the progress of French sciences since 1789.
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... task.12.31
OSSE, vol. 15, pp. 71, 77
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... language,''12.32
Ibid., p. 112.
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... reasoning,12.33
Ibid., p. 217: ``L'idée de Dieu n'est pas autre chose que l'idée de l'intelligence humaine généralisée.''
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... movement,12.34
See W. Sombart, Sozialismus und Soziale Bewegung, 7th ed. (1919), p. 54.
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... neglect.12.35
OSSE, vol. 15, pp. 42, 53-56.
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... arithméticiens,12.36
Ibid., vol. 40, p. 39.
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... sciences12.37
Ibid., p. 17.
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... stage.12.38
Ibid., pp. 25, 186.
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... sciences,12.39
Ibid., p. 29.
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... completed.12.40
Ibid., pp. 161, 186.
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... positive.12.41
Ibid., p. 17.
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... improvement.12.42
Ibid., pp. 247, 310.
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... present.12.43
Ibid., p. 265.
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... movement.12.44
Ibid., p. 172.
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... beliefs,''12.45
Ibid., p. 161.
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... conception,''12.46
Ibid., p. 287.
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... européenne12.47
De la réorganisation de la société européenne ou de la nécessité et des moyens de rassembler les peuples de l'europe en an seal corps politique en conservant à chacun son indépendance nationale, par H. C. Saint-Simon et A. Thierry, son èlève, ibid., vol. 15, pp. 153- 248; also in new edition by A. Pereire (Paris, 1925).
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... Marx.12.48
For a discussion of the significance of the work of Thierry, Mignet, and Guizot in this connection, see G. Plechanow, ``Ueber die Anfänge der Lehre vom Klassenkampf,'' Die neue Zeit (1902), vol. 21. See also C. Seignobos, La méthode historique, 2$^{me}$ ed. (1909), p. 261: ``C'est lui [Saint-Simon] qui a fourni a Augustin Thierry ses idées fondamentales.''
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... known.12.49
OSSE, vol. 15, p. 247. In the form of ``L'âge d'or, qu'une aveugle tradition a placé jusq'ici dans le passé, est devant nous,'' the phrase appears first in 1825 as the motto of Saint-Simon's Opinions littéraires et philosophiques, and later as the motto of the Saint-Simonian Producteur.
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... temporary.12.50
See M. Leroy, Vie de Saint-Simon, pp. 262, 277, and Hippolyte Carnot, ``Mémoire sur le Saint-Simonism,'' Séances et trauvaux de l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques, 47$^e$ annee (1887), p. 128, where H. Camot reports the following characterization of Saint-Simon by his father: ``J'ai connu M. de Saint-Simon; c'est un singulier homme. Il a tort de se croire un savant, mais personne n'a des idées aussi neuves et aussi hardies.'' The only other scholars who seem ever to have given Saint-Simon any encouragement appear to be the astronomer Hallé and, characteristically, Cuvier.
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... title,12.51
L'Industrie ou discussions politiques, morales et philosophiques dans l'intérêt de tous les hommes livrés à des travaux indépendants, in OSSE, vol. 18.
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... writing.12.52
For a comparison of Saint-Simon's views of this period with those of his liberal contemporaries, see E. Halévy, L'ère des tyrannies (1938), pp. 33-41.
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... labors.12.53
OSSE, vol. 18, p. 165.
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... production.''12.54
Ibid., pp. 186, 188, 189. See also vol. 19, p. 126.
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... liberty.''12.55
See A. Augustin Thierry, Augustin Thierry (1795-1856): d'après sa correspondance et ses papiers de famille (Paris, 1922), p. 36.
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... Saint-Simon.13.1
See A. Comte, Early Essays on Social Philosophy, trans. H. D. Hutton, New Universal Library (London, 1911), p. 23; and Système de politique positive (1851-54), vol. 3, p. 16.
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...L'Industrie. 13.2
See H. Gouhier, La jeunesse d'Auguste Comte (1933), vol. 1, chap. 6. As the third volume of this excellent work had not yet appeared at the time this essay was written, the following exposition relies for Comte's biography after 1817 largely on the same author's brief Vie d'Auguste Comte (Paris, 1931).
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... publication.13.3
A. Pereire, Autour de Saint-Simon (Paris, 1912), p. 25.
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... morals.13.4
Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin [OSSE], 2d ed. (1865-78), vol. 19, pp. 37-38.
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... subject.13.5
Ibid., p. 27: ``La grande supériorité de l'époque actuelle ...consiste en ce qu'il nous est possible de savoir ce que nous faisons... Ayant la conscience de notre état, nous avons celle de ce qu'il nous convient à faire.''
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... justification.13.6
Ibid., p. 23.
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... statement.''13.7
L'Industrie, 2$^{me}$ cahier, vol. 3: ``Il ne s'agit plus de disserter à perte de me pour savoir quel est le meilleur des gouvernements: il n'y a rien de bon, il n'y a rien de mauvais, absolument parlant. Tout est relatif, voilà la seule chose absolue.''
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... Benthamite)13.8
OOSE, vol. 19,p. 13.
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... time,13.9
Ibid., pp. 82-83, 89.
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... edifice13.10
Ibid., p. 83.
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... changed.13.11
Incidentally, and as a justification of this view, Comte develops for the first time the theory that the present constitution of property in France derives from the conquest of Gaul by the Franks. His statement (Ibid., p. 87) that the successors of the victors are still the proprietors while the descendants of the vanquished are today the farmers provides the basic idea for the racial theories of history of Thierry and his school. It is on this that Saint-Simon, two years later, based his claim of priority vis-à-vis Guizot (see Ibid., vol. 21, p. 192).
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... liberty.''13.12
Pereire, p. cit., pp. 25-28.
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... friendship.13.13
Lettres d'Auguste Comte à M. Valat (Paris, 1870), pp. 51, 53. See also pp. 36-37 (letter dated April 17, 1818): ``Je puis te dire que jamais je n'ai connu de jeune homme aussi ardent ni aussi généreux que lui: c'est un être original sous tous les rapports. J'ai appris, par cette liaison de travail et d'amitié avec un des hommes qui voient le plus loin en politique philosophique, j'ai appris une foule de choses que j'aurais en vain cherchées dans les livres, et mon esprit a fait plus de chemin depuis six mois que dure notre liaison qu'il n'en aurait fait en trois ans si j'avais été seal. Ainsi cette besogne m'a formé le jugement sur les sciences politiques, et, par contre-coup, elle a agrandi mes idées sur toutes les autres sciences, de sorte que je me trouve avoir acquis plus de philosophie dans la tête, un coup d'oeil plus juste, plus èlevé.'' M. Leroy, in quoting this passage (La vie véritable du comte Henri de Saint-Simon, 1925, p. 293), inserts after the first sentence ``Saint-Simon est un accoucheur d'idées.'' Although this sentence is probably not by Comte, we have taken the title of chapter twelve from it.
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... Saint-Simon.13.14
Pereire, p. cit., p. 60.
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... organ,13.15
The term journal and similar expressions in connection with Saint-Simon's works must not be taken too literally. They all appeared in irregular sequence, often out of numerical order, and in different formats and in various editions. This is true of the Organisateur even more than of his other works.
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... France.13.16
OSSE, vol. 20, pp. 17-26.
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... needs.13.17
Ibid., pp. 50-58.
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... ``industrialists,''13.18
Ibid.
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... d'invention,13.19
The idea of the chambre d'invention is probably borrowed from Bacon's New Atlantis.
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... production.''13.20
OSSE, vol. 20, p. 59.
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... years.13.21
Ibid., p. 63.
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... utopia13.22
Ibid., pp. 69-72.
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... eyes.13.23
Ibid., p. 74.
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... conceived''13.24
Ibid., p. 67.
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... own13.25
In the appendix to the Système de politique positive (1854), later reprinted under the tide Opuscules de philosophie sociale 1819-1828 (Paris, 1883). An English translation of the latter by H. D. Hutton with an introduction by F. Harrison is available in Routledge's New Universal Library under the title Early Essays on Social Philosophy. Below, the parenthetical page references following those of the OSSE refer to this English edition.
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... times.''13.26
OSSE, vol. 20, pp. 118-19 (56-57).
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... power,13.27
Ibid., p. 85 (35).
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... possible,13.28
Ibid., pp. 137-39 (68-71).
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... power.13.29
Ibid., p. 106 (49).
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... society.''13.30
Ibid., p. 142 (72). For Comte's considerations on the same subject a few years later, see also (272-74). The fear that his proposals might one day lead to a ``despotism founded on science,'' Comte describes as ``a ridiculous and absurd chimera which could only arise in minds entirely foreign to positive ideas'' (Ibid., p. 158 [82]).
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... parts.13.31
Ibid., p. 161 (85).
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... partners,13.32
Ibid., p. 150 (77).
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... ``administration.''13.33
Ibid., pp. 144-45 (73): ``Le peuple n'a plus besoin d'être gouverné, c'est-à-dire commandé. Il suffit, pour le maintien de l'ordre, que les affaires d'un intérêt commun soient administrées.''
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... art.13.34
Ibid., p. 193. See also the passage in Saint-Simon's laterOrganisation sociale, Ibid., vol. 39, p. 136, and Comte's remarks on the same subject in his contribution to the Catéchisme des industriels in Early Essays, p. 172.
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... industry''13.35
OSSE, vol. 20, p. 194.
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... organization.''13.36
Ibid., pp. 194-95.
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... intrigue.13.37
Ibid., pp. 199-200.
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... new.13.38
Ibid., pp. 218, 226.
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... organisateur!13.39
Ibid., p. 220.
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... pale.13.40
Ibid., pp. 236-37.
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... Berry,13.41
Ibid., pp. 240-42.
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... (1821)13.42
Ibid., vols. 21, 22
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... individual''13.43
Ibid., vol. 21, p. 16. The phrasing of these passages is so clearly Comtian that there can be little doubt that they were written by Comte.
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... system.''13.44
Système industriel (original ed.), pp. xiii-xiv.
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... men13.45
OSSE, vol. 21, p. 83. See also vol. 22, p. 179.
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... purpose,13.46
Ibid., vol. 21, p. 14; vol. 22, p. 184.
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... applied.''13.47
``Des Bourbons et des Stuarts'' (1825), in Oeuvres Choisies, vol. 2, p. 447.
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... tendencies13.48
OSSE, vol. 22, p. 248. See also p. 258, and vol. 21, pp. 14, 80, and vol. 37, p. 179, where his disgust with the lack of organization in England finds expression in the characteristic outburst that ``cent volumes in-folio, du caractère le plus fin, ne suffiraient pas pour rendre compte de toutes les inconsequences organiques qui existent en Angleterre.''
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... civilization,13.49
Ibid., vol. 22, p. 188.
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... scientists13.50
Ibid., p. 148.
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... facts,13.51
Ibid., vol. 21, p. 20.
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... (1823)13.52
Ibid., vols. 37-39.
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... livelihood.13.53
Ibid., vol. 22, p. 82. See also vol. 21, pp. 131-32.
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... industrialists.13.54
Ibid., vol. 21, p. 47.
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... classes;13.55
Ibid., p. 161.
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... invalids.13.56
Ibid., p. 107.
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... mankind,13.57
Ibid., vol. 22, pp. 80, 185.
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... industrial.13.58
Ibid., vol. 37, p. 87. See also vol. 21, p. 151. The formula seems to have been originally Comte's (see above, pp. [*]-[*]) and was later taken over by the Saint-Simonians (see particularly Exposition, ed. Bouglé and Halévy, p. 162), in whose publications it occurs once in the form ``Il s'agit pour lui (le travailleur) non seulement d'administrer des choses, mais de gouvemer des hommes, oeuvre difficile, immense, oeuvre saint'' (Globe, April 4, 1831). Engels' use of the expression in the Anti-Dühring (Herrn Eugen D"uhring's Umwälzung der Wissenschaft, 3d ed. [1894], p. 302) runs in the original: ``An die Steile der Regierung über Personen tritt die Verwaltung von Sachen. Der Staat wird nicht `abgeschafft,' er stirbt ab.''
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... left.13.59
OSSE,vol.37,p. 8.
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... society.13.60
Ibid., vol. 22, pp. 257-58.
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... Society,13.61
Later included under the original title in the Early Essays on Social Philosophy, pp. 88-217.
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... later.13.62
Ibid., Author's Preface, p. 24.
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... doctrine.13.63
Leaving it open as to how much of this ``Saint-Simonian'' doctrine may not arise from Comte's earlier contributions.
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... reorganization.13.64
Ibid., pp. 96, 98.
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... conscience,13.65
Ibid., p. 97. This has now of course become orthodox Marxist doctrine. C. Lenin, ``What is to Be Done?'' Little Lenin Library, p. 14: ``Those who are really convinced that they have advanced science, would demand not freedom for the new views to continue side by side with the old, but the substitution of the old views by the new ones.''
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... established.13.66
Early Essays, pp. 107, 130, 136.
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... man.13.67
Ibid., pp. 200-201.
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... whatsoever.13.68
Ibid., pp. 131-32.
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... gravitation.13.69
Ibid., pp. 147-49, 157.
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... advantage.13.70
Ibid., pp. 133, 144.
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... organization.13.71
Ibid., pp. 144, 149.
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... day.13.72
Ibid., pp. 180, 191.
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... invent.13.73
Ibid., p. 165. For a use of the same terms by Engels in his exposition of the materialist interpretation of history, compare his Herrn Eugen Dühring's Umwälzung der Wissenschaft (English ed., Herrn Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science, trans. E. Bums, p. 300), where he says that the means by which the existing abuses can be got rid of ``are not to be invented by the mind, but discovered by means of the mind in the existing factors of production.''
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... civilization.13.74
Ibid., pp. 154, 165, 167, 170.
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... Comte.13.75
Although the influence of Saint-Simonian doctrine on the birth of the materialist interpretation of history has often been pointed out (see particularly F. Muckle, Henri de Saint-Simon [Jena, 1908], and W. Sulzbach, Die Anf änge der materialistischen Geschchtsauflassung [Karlsruhe, 1911]), these authors appear to have overlooked the fact that the crucial passages occur nearly always in works which are known to have been written by Comte.
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...Producteur13.76
Producteur, vol. 1(1825), pp. 289, 596; vol. 2 (1825), pp. 314, 348; and vol. 3 (1826), p. 450. These essays have been included by Comte in the collection of Early Essays in the appendix of the Politique positive and will be found in the English edition (pp. 217- 75 and 276-332) under the titles ``Philosophical Considerations of the Sciences and Men of Science'' and ``Considerations on the Spiritual Power.''
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... own,''13.77
Essays, p. 229.
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... introspection,13.78
In a review of F. J. V. Broussais, De l'irritation et de la folie (1828), published in the same year and also included in the Early Essays. See particularly p. 339.
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... it.''13.79
Early Essays, p. 219.
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... conscience,13.80
Ibid., pp. 281, 295.
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... generally,13.81
Ibid., p. 250.
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... economy.13.82
Ibid., pp. 306, 320-24.
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... arisen.13.83
Ibid., p. 282.
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... period,''13.84
Ibid., P. 281. The curious similarity of this statement to certain thoughts of Hegel, which will occupy us later, will not escape the reader.
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... fitted.''13.85
Ibid., p. 307.
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... constructed.13.86
Ibid., pp. 319-20: ``Every doctrine presupposes a founder.''
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... live.''13.87
Ibid., p. 301.
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... Loyola,''13.88
J. S. Mill, Autobiography (1873), p. 213.
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... rewritten.13.89
OSSE, vol. 23, p. 99.
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... respects.''13.90
Ibid., p. 152.
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... before,''13.91
Ibid., vol. 15, p. 82.
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... lumineuses.13.92
H. Gouhier, p. cit., vol. 2, p. 3.
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... forms.''14.1
Livre nouveau, Résumé des conférences faites à Ménilmontant, quoted in O. Pinet, Ecrivains et penseurs polytechniciens, 2d ed. (Paris, 1898),p. 180.
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... phase.14.2
On Enfantin and the Saint-Simonians generally, see S. Charléty, Histoire du Saint-Simonisme (Paris, 1896; new ed., 1931), still the best exposition of the Saint-Simonian movement. It is rather surprising that Enfantin himself has not yet been made the subject of a monograph. S. Charléty, Enfantin (Paris, 1930), is merely a useful collection of texts with a brief introduction.
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... death.14.3
Charléty, Enfantin, p. 2.
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... name,14.4
See H. Grossmann, ``The Evolutionist Revolt Against Classical Economics,''Journal of Political Economy (October 1943), who contends that in this exposition I have overrated the originality of the Saint-Simonians at the expense of Saint-Simon himself. I am quite ready to agree that nearly all the elements of their system can be found in works that appeared during Saint-Simon's life and under his name (though partly written by Comte and probably others); but they are there so mixed up with other, and in part contradictory, ideas that I should rate the achievement of something like a coherent system by his disciples considerably higher than Dr. Grossmann does.
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... master,14.5
``Le travail de M. A. Comte ...a servi à plusieurs entre nous d'introduction à la doctrine de Saint-Simon'' (Doctrine de Saint-Simon, Exposition, première année, ed. Bouglé and F. Halévy [Paris, 1924], p. 443). Comte (in a letter to G. d'Eichthal, December 11, 1829) claims even more influence on the Saint-Simonians: ``Vous savez ton bien que je les ai vus naître, si je ne les ai formés (ce dont je serais du reste fort loin de me glorifier) ...les prétendues pensées de ces messieurs ne sont autre chose qu'une dérivation ou plutôt une mauvaise transformation de conceptions que j'ai presentées et qu'ils ont gatées en y mettant les conceptions hétérogènes dues à ... Saint-Simon'' (F. Littré, Auguste Comte et la philosophie positive [Paris, 1863], pp. 173-74).
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... command.''14.6
Producteur (1825), vol. 1, Introduction.
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... Bazard.14.7
On Bazard, see W. Spiihler, Der Saint-Simonismus: Lehre und Leben von Saint-Amand Bazard (Zürcher Volkswirtschaftliche Forschungen, hg. v. M. Saitzew, no. 7) (Zurich, 1926).
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... them.''14.8
See Louis Reybaud, Etudes sur les réformateurs contemporains ou socialistes modernes (Brussels, 1841), p. 61: ``M. Enfantin trouvait la pensée, M. Bazard Ia formulait.'' C. C. Gide and C. Rist, Histoire des doctrines èconomiques, 4th ed. (1922), p. 251.
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... conscience14.9
Producteur, vol. 1, p. 83.
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... established.''14.10
Ibid., pp. 399 et seq.; vol. 3, pp. 110, 526 et seq. Bazard's articles were the immediate occasion for one of Benjamin Constant's most eloquent essays in defense of liberty.
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... it.''14.11
Ibid., vol. 3, p. 74.
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... details.''14.12
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 86.
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... sciences.''14.13
OSSE, vol. 14, p. 86. In a letter to Fournel of June 1832 (quoted by G. Pinet, ``L'Ecole polytechnique et les Saint-Simoniens,'' Revue de Paris, May 15, 1894, p. 85), Enfantin describes the Ecole polytechnique as ``la source précieuse ou notre famille nouvelle, germe de l'humanité future, a puisé la vie. Or, le prolétaire et le savant aiment et respectent cette glorieuse Ecole.''
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... Lechevalier,14.14
See C. Pellarin, Jules Lechevalier et Abel Transon (Paris, 1877), which, however, deals largely with the part the two men played later in the Fourierist movement. Lechevalier, after studying German philosophy in France, actually spent a year (1829-30) in Berlin to attend Hegel's lectures.
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... friends.14.15
See Sadi Carnot, Biographie et manuscrit, publiés sous les auspices de l'Académie des sciences avec une préface de M. Emile Picard (Paris, 1927), pp. 17-20. See also G. Mouret, Sadi Carnot et la science de l'energie (Paris, 1892). The Réflexions sur la puissance motrice du feu appeared in 1824, although its importance was recognized only much later.
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... enthusiasts.14.16
See H. Carnot, ``Sur le Saint-Simonisme,'' Séances et travaux de l'Académie de sciences morales et politiques, 47$^e$ année, n.s. (1887), vol. 28, p. 132.
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... Saint-Simonism.14.17
Ibid., p. 129.
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... Exposition,14.18
Doctrine de Saint-Simon, Exposition, première année, 1829 (Paris, 1830. Deuxième année, 1829-30 (Paris, 1831). An excellent edition with a valuable introduction and instructive notes by C. Bouglé and E. Halévy was published in the Collection des economistes et réformateurs français (Paris, 1924). It is to this edition that all the page references below refer.
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... scholar,14.19
C. Bouglé in his introduction to E. Halévy, L'Ere des tyrannies (Paris, 1938), p. 9.
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... polytechnique14.20
[Abel Transon], De la religion Saint-Simonienne: Aux elèves de l'Ecole polytechnique. First published in the (second) Organisateur (July-September 1829), and reprinted separately (Paris, 1830; Brussels, 1831), and at the end of the second edition of the Exposition, deuxième année, 1829-30. A German translation appeared at Göttingen in 1832.
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... Saint-Simon,''14.21
Exposition, ed. Bouglé and Halévy, p. 127.
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... being,''14.22
Ibid., pp. 131, 160.
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... be.14.23
Ibid., p. 89.
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... other.14.24
Ibid., p. 27.
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... nature.14.25
Ibid., p. 162.
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... effort,''14.26
Ibid., p. 206.
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... labor''14.27
Ibid., pp. 89, 139.
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... purpose14.28
Ibid., pp. 73, 124, 153.
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... ''14.29
Ibid., pp. 203, 206, 234, 253.
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...Exposition.14.30
Ibid., pp. 236, 350.
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... church,14.31
Ibid., pp. 208-9.
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... exploitation.14.32
Ibid., pp. 214-16, 238.
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... exploited.14.33
Ibid., p. 225.
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... proletarians.14.34
Ibid., pp. 239, 307.
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... production.14.35
De La religion Saint-Simonienne (Paris, 1830), pp. 48-49.
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... family.''14.36
Exposition, ed. Bouglé and Halévy, p. 243.
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... progress.''14.37
Ibid., p. 244.
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... disappear.14.38
Ibid., pp. 253-54.
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... destroy.14.39
Ibid., p. 255.
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... function14.40
The French word fonction, of course, also means office.
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... workers.''14.41
Exposition, ed. Bouglé and Halévy, p. 257.
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... teaching,14.42
In a letter to Channing in 1831 he admitted, ``I have shown the defects of the system of free competition; I have demolished, but I lack the strength to reconstruct'' (J. C. L. Simonde de Sismondi, Fragments de son journal et de sa correspondance [Genève-Paris, 1857], p. 130). On the general influence of Sismondi, which can here not be adequately discussed, see J. R. de Salis, Sismondi (Paris, 1932).
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... another.14.43
Exposition, p. 258.
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... them.14.44
Ibid., pp. 258-59.
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... powerful.14.45
Ibid., p. 261.
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... property.14.46
Exposition, pp. 272-73. It may be noted that this seems to be the first occurrence of the term central bank.
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... organization.14.47
following passage from the Exposition, deuxième année (Première séance, résumé de l'exposition de la première année [1854], pp. 338-39), deserves, however, to be quoted: ``Pour que cette association industrielle soit réalisée et produise tous ses fruits, il faut qu'elle constitue une hiérarchie, il faut qu'une me générale préside à ses travaux et les harmonise ...il faut absolument que l'Etat soit en possession de tous les instruments de travail qui formont aujourd'hui lo fonds de la propriété individuello, et que los directeurs do Ia société industrielle soient chargés de Ia distribution de cos instruments, fonction que remplissont aujourd'hui, d'une manièro si aveugle et à si grands frais les propréttaires et capitalistes ...alors soulement on verra cessor la scandale do la concurrence illimitée, cotte grande négation critique dans l'ordro industriel, et qui, considérée sous son rospect lo plus saillant, n'est autro chose qu'une guorre acharnée ot meurtrière, sous une forme nouvolle, que continuent se faire entre eux les individus et les nations.'' The opening of the passage shows clearly that at this stage they were using the term association in precisely the sense in which two years later they introduced the term socialism.
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... later.14.48
See below, part 3.
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... ``Individualism,''14.49
Exposition, p. 377. See, however, A. Comte, Lettres à Valat, pp. 164-65, for an informal use of the term in a letter dated March 30, 1825.
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... ``industrialist,''14.50
Ibid., p. 275. industrialism was coined by Saint-Simon himself to describe the opposite of liberalism. See OSSE, vol. 37, pp. 178, 195.
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... ``positivism,''14.51
Exposition, pp. 183, 487.
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... labor''14.52
Ibid., pp. 98, 139.
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... time14.53
Strictly speaking, both the terms socialist and socialism had already been used in Italian (by G. Guiliani) in 1803, but had been forgotten. Independently of this, socialist occurs once in the Owenite Cooperative magazine for November 1827, and socialism (although in a different sense) in a French Catholic journal in November 1831. But it was only with its appearance in the Globe that it was immediately taken up and frequently used, particularly by Leroux and Reybaud. See C. Grünberg, ``Der Ursprung der Worte `Sozialismus' und `Sozialist,' '' Archiv für die Geschichte des Sozialismus und. der Arbeiterbewegung (1912), vol. 2, p. 378. See also Exposition, ed. Bouglé and Halévy, p. 205 n.
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...Globe.14.54
Globe, February 2, 1832. The word occurs in an article by H. Joncières and the context in which it occurs is so significant that the whole sentence must be quoted: ``Nous ne voulons pas sacrifier la personalité aux socialisme, pas plus que ce dernier à la personalité.''
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... Enfantin14.55
Some of the articles of Enfantin in the Globe which have been collected in a separate volume under the title Economie politique et politique (Paris, 1832) deserve, however, to be specially mentioned.
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... religion;14.56
A curious account of the motif for this is given by Eduard Gans, ``Paris in Jahre 1830,'' in Rückblicke auf Personen und. Zustände (Berlin, 1836), p. 92: ``Benjamin Constant erzählte mir, dass, als die St.-Simonisten ihn vor etwa einem Jahr um Rath gefragt hätten, wie sie ihre Grundsätze verbreiten könnten, er ihnen gesagt habe: macht eine Religion daraus.''
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... activity.14.57
See H. R. d'Allemagne, Les Saint-Simoniens 1827-1837 (Paris, 1931).
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... member14.58
See G. Pinet, Ecrivains et penseurs polytechniciens, 2d ed. (Paris, 1898), p. 176, and S. Charléty, Histoire d.u Saint-Simonisme (1931), p. 29.
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...P28414.59
See G. Weill, ``Le Saint-Simonisme hors de France,'' Revue d'histoire economique et sociale (1921), vol. 9, p. 105. A Saint-Simonian mission consisting of P. Leroux, H. Caruot, and others had visited Brussels in February 1831; and although, apart from the remarks of Weill referred to, there is no direct evidence for the influence of the Saint-Simonians on Quetelet, it is remarkable how precisely from this date his ideas developed in a direction very similar to Comte's. On this, see J. Lottin, Quetelet: statisticien et sociologue (Louvain and Paris, 1912), pp. 123, 356-67; also pp. 10, 21.
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... body.''14.60
Organisateur, vol. 2, pp. 202, 213, quoted by Charléty, p. cit., p. 83.
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... Prussia14.61
Globe, June 3 and 8, 1831, quoted by Charléty, p. cit., p. 110.
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... Saint-Simonians.14.62
Karl Gutzkow, Briefe eines Narren an eine Närrin (1832), quoted in B. M. Butler, The Saint-Simonian Religion in Germany (Cambridge, 1926), p. 263.
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... writings)14.63
Duveyrier, for example, one of the oldest members, wrote in the Globe of January 12, 1832: ``On verrait sur la terre ce qu'on n'a jamais vu. On verrait des hommes et des femmes unis par un amour sans example et sans nom, puisqu'il ne connaîtrait nile refroidissement, ni la jalousie; des hommes et des femmes se donneraient à plusieurs sans jamais cesser d'être l'un à l'autre et dont l'amour serait au contraire comme un divin banquet augmentant en magnificence en raison du nombre et du choix des convives.''
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... libre.14.64
Apparently the expression chercher la femme derives from this.
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... founded.14.65
See J. Lajard de Puyjalon, L'Influence des Saint-Simoniens sur la réalisation de l'lsthme de Suez (Paris, 1926).
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... elsewhere.14.66
See M. Wallon, Les Saint-Simoniens et les chemins de fer (Paris, 1908), and H. R. d'Allemagne, Prosper Enfantin et les grandes entreprises du XIX siècle (Paris, 1935) .
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... place.15.1
On this and the following, see M. Thibert, Le Réle social de l'art d'après les Saint-Simoniens (Paris, 1927); H. I. Hunt, Le Socialisme et le romantisme en France, etude de la presse socialiste de 1830 à 1840 (Oxford, 1935); and J.-M Gros, Le Mouvement litteraire socialiste depuis 1830 (Paris, 1904).
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... letters.15.2
For the development of the Saint-Simonian theory of art, see particularly E. Barrault, Aux artistes du passé et de l'avenir des beaux arts (1830).
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... Balzac,15.3
See R. Curtius, Balzac (1923).
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... christianismei.15.4
See D. B. Cofer,Saint-Simonism in the Radicalism of T. Carlyle (College Station, Tex., 1931); F. Muckle, Henri de Saint-Simon (Jena, 1908), pp. 345-80; E. d'Eichthal, ``Carlyle et le Saint-Simonisme,'' Revue historique 82-83 (1903) (English trans. in New Quarterly [London, April 1909]); E. E. Neff, Carlyle and Mill (New York, 1926), p. 210; Hill Shine, Carlyle and the Saint-Simonians: The Concept of Historical Periodicity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1941), and the same author's note in Notes & Queries 171 (1936): 290-93. Why in the case of Carlyle, as with so many others, the influence of the Saint-Simonians blended so readily with that of the German philosophers will become clearer later. An interesting contrast to Carlyle's sympathetic reception of Saint-Simonian ideas is the exceedingly hostile reaction of R. Southey, who contributed to the Quarterly Review (45 [July 1831]: 407-50) under the heading ``New Distribution of Property,'' a very full and intelligent account of the Doctrine de Saint-Simon. See also his letter of June 31, 1831, in E. Hodder, The Life and. Work of the 7th Earl of Shaftesbury (London, 1886), vol. 1, p. 126. Tennyson, in a letter written in 1832, still says that ``reform and St. Simonism are, and will continue to be, subjects of the highest interest ...the existence of the sect of St Simonists is at once a proof of the immense mass of evil that is extant in the nineteenth century, and a focus which gathers all its rays. This sect is rapidly spreading in France, Germany, and Italy, and they have missionaries in London'' (Alfred. Lord. Tennyson, A Memoir by his son [London, 1897], vol. 1, p. 99). It is a striking fact that the social novel begins in England with Disraeli just at the time when one would expect Saint-Simonian influences to work in this direction; but there is, as far as I am aware, no evidence of any influence of the Saint-Simonians on Disraeli.
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... them.15.5
See C. G. Higginson, Auguste Comte: An Address on His Life and Work (London, 1892), p. 6, and M. Quinn, Memoirs of a Positivist (London, 1924), p. 38.
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... Autobiography15.6
J. S. Mill, Autobiography (1873), pp. 163-67. See also Ibid., p. 61, where Mill describes how in 1821, at the age of fifteen, he had met in J. B. Say's house Saint-Simon himself, ``not yet the founder of either a philosophy or a religion, and considered only as a clever original.''
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... ,15.7
G. d'Eichthal and C. Duveyrier came in 1831 to London on an official Saint-Simonian mission. See the Address to the British Public by the Saint-Simonian Missionaries (London, 1832) , and S. Charléty, Histoire du Saint-Simonisme (Paris, 1931), p. 93. See also St. Simonism in London, by Fontana, Chief, and Prati, Preacher of the St. Simonian Religion in England (London, 1834), reviewed by I. S. Mill in the Examiner, February 2, 1834.
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... d'Eichthal15.8
The Letters of John Stuart Mill, ed. H. S. R. Elliot (1910), vol. 1, p. 20. See also J. S. Mill, Correspondance inédite avec Gustave d'Eichthal, 1828-1842 , 1864-1871 , ed. E. d'Eichthal (Paris, 1898); and, in part in the original English, in Cosmopolis (London, 1897-98), esp. vol. 5, pp. 356, 359-60.
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... Germany.15.9
The Globe, March 16, 1832, already reports that ``nul pays n'a consacré une attention plus profonde au Saint-Simonisme'' than Germany.
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... country.15.10
See H. Fournel. Bibliographie Saint-Simonienne (Paris, 1933), p. 22.
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... Literatur-Zeitung.15.11
See P. Lafitte, ``Matériaux pour la biographie d'Augnste Comte. I. Relations d'Augnste Comte avec l'Allemagne,'' Revue occidentale 8 (1882): 227; and ``Correspondance d'Auguste Comte et Gustave d'Eichthal,'' ibid. 12 (1891): 186-276.
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... agreement,15.12
Ibid., p. 228 and pp. 223 et seq., where the review of September 27, 1824, is reprinted. It gives among other things an adequate account of the ``law of three stages.''
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... industriel.15.13
Neue Monatsschrift für Deutschland, vol. 21 (1821) (three articles), and vol. 22 (1827) (three articles); see also vols. 34 and 35 for later articles on the same subject On Friedrich Buchholz, who for a period earlier in the century had been one of the most influential political writers of Prussia, and who in 1802 had published Darstellung eines neuen Gravitationsgestzes füer die moralische Welt, see K. Babrs, Friedrich Buchholz, ein preussischer Publizist 1768-1843 (Berlin, 1907), and on d'Eichthal's relations to him particularly, ``Correspondance d'Augnste Comte et Gustave d'Eichthal,'' Revue occidentale 12, (1891): 186-76.
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... Saint-Simonians15.14
See the list of some fifty publications on Saint-Simonism which appeared in Germany between 1830 and 1832, given by E. M. Butler, The Saint-Simonian Religion in Germany (Cambridge, 1926), pp. 52-59; the list is, however, by no means complete. On this, see R. Palgen's review of this book in Revue de littérature comparée 9 (1929); also W. Suhge, Der Saint-Simonismus und das junge Deutschland. (Berlin, 1935).
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... writings15.15
See [Abel Transon],Die Saint-Simonistische Religion: Fünt Reden an die Zöglinge der polytechnischen Schule, nebst einem Vorbericht ueber das Leben und den Charakter Saint-Simons (Göttingen, 1832).
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... ''15.16
Quoted in Butler, p. cit., from Briefe (Weimarer Ausgabe) , vol. 42, p. 300, letter dated October 17, 1830.
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... doctrine.15.17
See Eckermann, Gespräche mit Goethe, under date of October 20, 1830, and Goethe's Tagebücher, under dates of October 31, 1830, and May 30, 1831.
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... bread.15.18
Rahel: Ein Buch des Andenkens für ihre Freunde (Berlin, 1834), under date of April 25, 1832.
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... Paris,15.19
See Butler, p. cit., p. 70.
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... Saint-Simonians.15.20
K. Grün, Die soziale Bewegung in Frankreich und in Belgien (Darmstadt, 1845), p. 90.
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... travels.15.21
See Margaret A. Clarke, Heine et la monarchie de juillet (Paris, 1927), esp. app. 2; Buffer, p. cit., p. 71. It seems that some overenthusiastic German admirers of Saint-Simon even compared him to Goethe, which enthusiasm induced Metternich (in a letter to Prince Wittgenstein, November 30, 1835) to make the tart comment that Saint-Simon, whom he had known personally, ``had been as complete a cynical fool as Goethe was a great poet'' (see O. Draeger, Theodor Mundt und seine Beziehungen zum jungen Deutschland [Marburg, 1909], p. 156.
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... movement.15.22
Ibid., p. 430. In addition to the book by Suhge already cited, see also F. Gerathewhol, Saint-Simonistische Ideen in der deutschen Literatur, Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte des Sozialismus (Munich, 1920); H. V. Kleinmayr, Welt- und Kunstanschauung des jungen Deutschlands (Vienna, 1930); and J. Dresch, Gutzkow et la Jeune Allemagne (Paris, 1904), on another German poet, G. Buechner, who was not a member of the Young German group, but who seems also to have been influenced by Saint-Simonian ideas. It is perhaps worth mentioning that he was the elder brother of L. Buechner, author of Kraft und Stoff (1855), and one of the main representatives of extreme materialism in Germany. On G. Buechner, see also G. Adler, Die Geschichte der ersten sozialpolitischen Arbeiterbewegung in Deutschland (Leipzig, 1885), pp. 8 et seq., which should also be consulted for some other early German socialists, particularly Ludwig Gall and later Georg Kuhlmann and Julius Treichler, whose relations to Saint-Simonism need investigation (Ibid., pp. 6, 67, 72).
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... flesh.''15.23
An interesting testimony to the extent of Saint-Simonian influence in Germany is a circular directed against it by the archbishop of Trier, dated February 13, 1832. See the Allgemeine Kirchenzeitung (Darmstadt), March 8, 1832.
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... explored,15.24
See B. Croce, History of Europe in the 19th Century (1934), p. 147.
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... Hegelians,15.25
Of the Young Germans, T. Mundt and G. Kuehne were both Hegelian University lecturers of philosophy, and the same is true of the authors of most of the books reporting on the philosophical aspects of Saint-Simonism, particularly M. Veit, Saint-Simon und der Saint-Simonismus (Leipzig, 1834); F. W. Carové, Der Saint-Simonismus und die neure franztisische Philosophie (Leipzig, 1831). I have been unable to procure another work of the same period, S. R. Schneider, Das Problem der Zeit und dessen Lösung durch die Association (Gotha, 1834), which, judging from its title, seems to contain an account of the socialist aspects of Saint-Simonism.
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... decade.15.26
See B. Groethuysen, ``Les jeunes Hégéliens et les origines du socialisme en Allemagne,'' Revue philosophique 95, no. 5/6 (1923): esp. 379.
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... relations.''15.27
In a review of his friend Mundt's Lebenswirren, quoted in W. Grupe, Mundts und Kuehnes Verhdltnis zu Hegel und. seinen Gegnern (Halle, 1928), p. 76.
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... Germany,15.28
In 1831, when the German Saint-Simonian movement began, Ruge was 29, Feuerbach 27, Rodbertus 26, Strauss 23, Hess 19, and Karl Marx 12 years of age. The corresponding ages of the leading Young Germans were Laube 25, Kuehne 25, Mundt 23, and Gutzkow 20.
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... thirties,15.29
See T. Zlocisti, Moses Hess (Berlin, 1920), p. 13.
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... 1837.15.30
M. Hess, Die heilige Geschichte der Menschheit (Stuttgart, 1837).
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... Paris,15.31
See A. Kohut, L. Feuerbach (Leipzig, 1909), p. 77; and Ausgewählte Briefe von und an Feuerbach, ed. W. Bolin (Leipzig, 1904),vol. 1, p. 256, where in a letter to his brother, written from Frankfurt and dated March 12, 1832, Feuerbach explains that ``Paris ist ein Ort, an den ich längst hinstrebe, für den ich mich schon längst in einem unwillkürlichen Drange, indem ich das Französische schon früher und besonders seither betrieb, vorbereitet, ein Ort, der ganz zu meiner Individualität, zu meiner Philosophie passt, an dem sich daher meine Kräfte entwickeln und selbst solche, die ich noch nicht kenne, hervortreten koennen.''
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... accidental.15.32
T. G. Masaryk, Die philosophischen und soziologischen Grundlagen des Marxismus (Vienna, 1899), p. 35.
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... figure.15.33
See G. Adler, Die Geschichte der ersten sozialpolitischen Arbeiterbewegung in Deutschland (Leipzig, 1885), and K. Mielcke, Deutscher Frühsozialismus (Stuttgart, 1931), pp. 185-89.
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... known.15.35
C. B. Foeldes, ``Bemerkungen zu dem Problem Lorenz von Stein--Karl Marx,'' Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik
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... books15.34
Lorenz von Stein, Der Sozialismus und Kommunismus des heutigen Frankreich (Leipzig, 1842), and K. Grün,Die soziale Bewegung in Frankreich und Belgien (Darmstadt, 1845). Concerning the latter, cf. K. Marx and F. Engels, The German ideology, Marxist Leninist Library (London, 1938), pp. 118-79.which were the results of these visits, particularly with Lorenz von Stein's most detailed and sympathetic account in his widely read Socialism and Communism in Present-Day France (1842), the whole of Saint-Simonian doctrine became common property in Germany. That Stein--incidentally another Hegeian who was most ready to absorb and spread Saint-Simonian ideas--was, with Feuerbach, one of the strongest influences that were brought to bear on Karl Marx's early development is well known.15.35, vol. 102 (1914), and H. Nitschke, Die Geschichtsphilosophie Lorenz von Stein, supp. no. 26, Historische Zeitschrift (München, 1932).
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... ideas.15.36
See Maxim Kowalewski,Karl Marx, Eine Sammlung von Erinnerungen und Aufsätzen (Zürich: V. Adoratskij, 1934), p. 223. Judging from a remark by W. Sulzbach in Die Anfänge der materialistischen Geschichtsauftassung (Stuttgart, 1911), p. 3, there seems also to be other independent evidence of Marx having studied Saint-Simonian writings while still at school. But I have been unable to trace it.
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... scholars,15.37
Apart from various earlier works by Muckle, Eckstein, Cunow, and Sulzbach, see particularly Kurt Breysig,Vom historischen Werden, vol. 2, pp. 64 et seq., 84; and W. Heider, Die Geschichtslehre von Karl Marx, ``Forschungen,'' etc., ed. K. Breysig, no. 3 (1931), p. 19. These suggestions have been confirmed by the careful investigation by V. Volgin, ``Ueber die historische Stellung Saint-Simons,'' Marx-Engels Archiv, vol. 1/1 (Frankfurt am Main, 1926), pp. 82-118.
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... Hess.15.38
C. G. Mayer, Friedrich Engels, Cine Biographie (Berlin, 1920), vol. 1, pp. 40, 108.
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... derivation.15.39
See H. Dietzel, Rodbertus (1888), vol. 1, p. 5, vol. 2, pp. 40,44, 51,66, 132 et seq., 184-89; C. Andler, Les origines du socialisme d'etat en Allemagne (Paris, 1897), pp. 107, 111; C. Gide and C. Rist, Histoire des doctrines économiques (Paris, 1909), pp. 481, 484, 488, 490; F. Muckle, Die grossen Sozialisten (Leipzig, 1920), vol. 2, p. 77; W. Eucken, ``Zur Würdigung Saint-Simons,'' Jamb für Volkswirtschatt und Bestrebungen, vol. 45 (1921), p. 1052. The objections which have recently been raised against this contention by E. Thier (Rodbertus, Lassalle, Adolf Wagner, Zur Geschichte des deutschen Staatssozialismus [Jena, 1930], pp. 15-16) seem to arise from an inadequate knowledge of the Saint-Simonian writings.
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... young,15.40
See F. Mehring,Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 4th ed. (1909),voL 2, p. 180.
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... Blanc.15.41
See Andler, p. cit., p. 101. Another curious and yet completely unexplored case where Saint-Simonian influence on German thought seems to have been at work is that of the economist Friedrich List. There is at least evidence of his direct contact with Saint-Simonian circles. List came to Paris, which he had already visited in 1823-24, on his return from America in December 1830. On his earlier visit he had already made the acquaintance of the first editor of the Revue encyclopaedique, which during his second visit came into the hands of the Saint-Simonians and from August 1831 onward was edited by H. Carnot. List's interest, like that of the Saint-Simonians, was largely in railway projects and any attempt to make contact with people of similar interests during his visit must have led him straight to the Saint-Simonians. We know that List met Chevalier early and that he at least tried to make the acquaintance of d'Eichthal. (See his Schriften, Reden, Briefe, ed. Friedrich List Gesellschaft, vol. 4, p. 8.) Two of his articles on railways appeared in the Revue encyclopaedique. I have not been able to ascertain whether theGlobe, from which he quotes in one of these articles (a passage for which the unsuspecting editor of the Schriften searched in vain in the English Globe and Traveller) , was not, as seems much more likely, the Saint-Simonian journal of that name. (See Schriften, vol. 5 [1928], pp. 62, 554.) Some years later List translated Louis Napoleon's Idées Napoléoniennes, the Saint-Simonian tendencies of which we yet have to note. It is now known that he wrote the first version of his chief work, the Nationale System der Politischen Oekonomie, during a third and much more extended stay in Paris in the thirties, as a prize essay, and that in the essay he felt himself compelled to defend himself against any suspicion of ``Saint-Simonism'' in the sense of communism, in which it was then generally understood (Schriften, vol. 4, p. 294). There can be little doubt that any marked resemblance to Saint-Simonian ideas we find in his later work is likely to derive from that essay. And such similarities are indeed not wanting. Particularly List's conception of ``natural laws of historical development'' is most likely of Saint-Simonian origin; according to this view, social evolution necessarily passes through definite stages, an idea readily accepted by the historical school of German economists. How strong in general the French influence on List was, his declamations against ``ideology'' bear witness.

That the other German author from whom the historical school of German economists derived its preoccupation with the discovery of definite stages of economic development, B. Hildebrandt, derived his ideas from the Saint-Simonians has been pointed out by J. Plenge, Stammformen der vergleichenden Wirtschattstheorie (Essen, 1919), p. 15.

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... of15.42
See H. Louvancour, De Henri Saint-Simon à Charles Fourier (Chartres, 1913), and H. Bourgin, Fourier: Contribution à l'étude du socialisme frangais (1905), esp. pp. 415 et seq.
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... Saint-Simonians.15.43
See M. Dommanget, Victor Considérant, sa vie, son oeuvre (Paris, 1929).
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... Saint-Simonian.15.44
On the Saint-Simonian elements in Proudhon's doctrine, see particularly K. Diehl, Proudhon (1888-96), vol. 3, pp. 159, 176, 280.
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... movements15.45
There may even have been a direct influence on early English socialism. At least one of T. Hodgskin's letters, written in 1820 soon after his return from France, shows fairly definite traces of Saint-Simonian ideas. See E. Halévy, Thomas Hodgskin (Paris, 1903) , pp. 58-59. I owe this reference to Dr. W. Stark.
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... Mazzii,15.46
Mazzini was in the years between 1830 and 1835, particularly during his exile in France, in intimate contact with the Saint-Simonians P. Leroux and J. Reynaud, and the effect of this can be traced throughout his work. On this, see G. Salvemini, Mazzini (in G. d'Acandia, La Giovine Europa) (Rome, 1915), passim; O. Vossler, Mazzini's politisches Denken und Wollen, supp. no. 11, Historische, Zeitung (München, 1927), pp. 42-52; and B. Croce, History of Europe, pp. 118, 142. On Mazzini's later critical attitude toward Saint-Simonism, see his ``Thoughts on Democracy'' in Joseph Mazzini, A Memoir by E. A. V[enturi] (London, 1875), esp. pp. 205-17.
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... others15.47
See G. Weill, ``Le Saint-Simonisme hors de France,'' Revue d'histoire èconomique et sociale 9 (1921): 109, and O. Vossler, p. cit., p. 44.
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... Sweden,15.48
See N. Mehlin, ``Auguste Strindberg,'' Revue de Paris 19 (October 15, 1912): 857.
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... Russia,15.49
See A. Herzen, Le monde Russe et la révolution (Paris, 1860-62), vol. 6, pp. 195 et seq.
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... America.15.50
See G. Weill, p. cit., and J. F. Normano, ``Saint-Simonian America,'' Social Forces 9 (October 1932).
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... Solvay,15.51
See Ernest Solvay,A propos de Saint-Simonisme (Principes libérosocialistes d'action sociale) . Projet de lettre au journal Le Peuple, 1903 (printed 1916). C. P. Héger and C. Lefebure, Vie d'ernest Solvay (Brussels, 1929), pp. 77, 150.
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...Producteur. 15.52
The postwar Producteur was published in Paris from 1919 by a group which included G. Darquet, G. Gros, H. Clouard, M. Leroy, and F. Delaisi. On this, see M. Bourbonnais, Les Néo-Saint-Simoniens et la via sociale d'aujourd'hui (Paris, 1923).
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... years.15.53
See also G. J. Gignoux, ``L'Industrialisme de Saint-Simon à Walter Rathenau,''Revue d'histoire des doctrines èconomiques et sociales (1923), and G. Salomon, ``Die Saint-Simonisten,'' Zeitschrift für die gesamte Staatswissenschaft 82 (1927): 550-76. On the influence Saint-Simonian ideas had in the conception of the corporativist theories of fascism, see Hans Reupke, Unternehmer und Arbeiter in der fascistischen Wirtschaftsidee (Berlin, 1931), pp. 14, 18, 22, 29-30,40.
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... undertakings.15.54
See Johann Plenge, Gründung und Geschichte des Crédit Mobilier (Tübingen, 1903) , esp. pp. 79 et seq., and the passage quoted on p. 139 from the Annual Report of the Crédit mobilier for 1854: ``Quand nous touchons à une branche de l'industrie, nous désirons surtout obtenir son développement non par la voie de la concurrence, mais par voie d'association et de fusion, par l'emploi le plus économique des forces et non par leur opposition et leur déstruction réciproque.''

There is no space here for the discussion of the Saint-Simonian theories of credit in the hands of the Pereires and we must refer in this respect to I. B. Vergeot, Le Crédit comme stimulant et régulateur de l'industrie, la conception Saint-Simonienne, ses réalisations, etc. (Paris, 1918), and K. Moldenhauer, Kreditpolitik und Gesellschaftsreform (Jena, 1932). But it may just be mentioned that the Pereires, after acquiring the Banque de Savoy with its note-issuing privilege, in order to be in a position to put their theories into practice, became ardent advocates of ``free banking'' and the cause of the great controversy between the ``free banking'' and the ``central banking'' school which raged in France in and after 1864. On this, see V. C. Smith, The Rationale of Central Banking (London, 1936),pp. 33 et seq.

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... ventures.15.55
See J. Hansen, G. v. Mevissen (Berlin, 1906), vol. 1, pp. 60, 606, 644-46, 655, and W. Daebritz,Gründung und Anfänge der Discontogesellschaft (Berlin and Muenchen, 1931), pp. 34-36.
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... direction,15.56
See H. M. Hirschfeld, ``Le Saint-Simonisme dans les Pays-Bas: Le Crédit mobilier Néerlandais,'' Revue d'economie politique (1923), pp. 364-74.
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... Austria,15.57
F. G. Steiner, Die Entwicklung des Mobilbankwesens in Oesterreich von den Anfängen bis zur Krise von 1873 (Wien, 1913) , pp. 38-78.
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... Spain15.58
See H. M. Hirschfeld, ``Der Crédit Mobilier Gedanke mit besonderer Berücksichtigung seines Einflusses in den Niederlanden,'' Zeitschrift für Volkswirtschaft und Sozialpolitik, n. f. 3 (1923): 438-65.
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... plans.15.59
See G. v. Schulze-Gaevernitz, Die deutsche Kreditbank (Grundriss derSozialökonomik V/2 (1915), p. 146.
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... construction,15.60
See M. Wallon, Les Saint-Simoniens et les chemins de fer (Paris, 1908), and H. R. d'Allemagne, Prosper Enfantin et les grandes entreprises du XIX siècle (Paris, 1935).
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... kinds,15.61
See the Vues politiques et pratiques sur les travaux publiques en France, published in 1832 by the four Saint-Simonian engineers, G. Lamé B. P. E. Clapeyron, and S. and E. Flachat.
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... electricity.''15.62
Quoted in G. Pinet, Ecrivains et penseurs polytechniciens (Paris, 1887), p. 165.
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... Pecqueur,15.63
See C. Pecqueur, Economie sociale: des intérêts du commerce, de l'industrie et de l'agriculture, et de la civilisation en général, sous l'influence des applications de la vapeur (Paris, 1838).
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... Saint-Simonians;15.64
particularly Jourdan, an intimate friend of Enfantin, and Guérault. On the latter, cf. Sainte-Beuve, Nouveaux Lundis, 4; and on SainteBeuve's own relations to Saint-Simonism, M. Leroy, ``Le Saint-Simonisme de Sainte-Beuve,'' Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft 7 (1938): 132-47.
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... horseback.''15.65
See A. Guerard, Napoleon III (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1943) , p. 215, where this description of Napoleon III is called ``strikingly accurate''; and H. N. Boon, Rêve et réalité dans l'oeuvre èconomique et sociale (The Hague, 1936).
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... pamphlets.15.66
Des Idées Napoléoniennes (1839), L'idée Napoléonienne (1840), and De l'extinction du paupérisme (1844).
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... France.15.67
On this whole phase of their activities, see G. Weill, ``Les Saint-Simoniens sous Napoleon III,'' Revue des ètudes Napoleoniennes (May 1931): 391-406.
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... Saint-Simon,15.68
C. E. Halévy, ``La doctrine èconomique Saint-Simonienne,'' in L'Ere des tyrannies (Paris, 1938), p. 91.
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... source,15.69
See L. Brentano, ``Die gewerbliche Arbeiterfrage,'' in Schonberg, Handbuch der politischen Oekonomie (1882), pp. 935 et seq.
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... socialism''15.70
K. Grün, Die soziale Bewegung in Frankreich und Belgien (1845), p. 182. It is interesting to compare this statement with a manuscript note by Lord Acton (Cambridge University Library, Acton 5487) in which, apropos Bazard, Acton says: ``A system is shut in. It is the broken fragments of it, dissolved, that fructify.'' C. also J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, 2d ed. (1849), vol. 1, p. 250: St. Simonism, ``during the few years of its public promulgation, sowed the seeds of nearly all socialist tendencies which have since spread so widely in France''; and W. Roscher, Geschichte der Nationalökonomik in Deutschland (1874), p. 845: ``Und es lüsst sich nicht leugnen, wie diese Schriftsteller [Bazard, Enfantin, Comte, Considérant] an praktischem Enfluss auf ihre Zeit mit den heutigen Sozialistenführern gar nicht verglichen werden können, ebenso sehr überragen sie die letztereren an wissenschaftlicher Bedeutung. Es kommen in der neuesten sozialistischen Literatur sehr wenig erhebliche Gedanken vor, die nicht bereits von jenen Franzosen ausgesprochen waren, noch dazu meist in einer viel würdingern, geistreichen Form.''
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... positive16.1
Originally published in 1822 under the title Prospectus des travaux nécessaires pour réorganiser la société and republished under the above title only in 1824.
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... 1842.16.2
Page references to the Cours will be to the second edition, edited by E. Littré (Paris, 1864), the pagination of which is identical with that of the third and fourth, but not with that of the first and fifth editions. English quotations in the text will be taken, wherever practicable, from the admirable condensed English version by Miss Martineau (The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte, freely translated and condensed by Harriet Martineau, 3d ed., 2 vols. [London, 1893]. In references to this edition the title will be abbreviated PP, as distinguished from the French original, referred to as Cours) .

Although the coincidence of the exact date is no more than an accident, it is perhaps worth pointing out that the year 1842, in which the concluding volume of the Cours appeared and which for our purposes thus marks the conclusion of the ``French phase'' of the strand of thought with which we are here concerned, is also the year which more than any other may be regarded as the beginning of the ``German phase'' of the same development, with which we hope to deal on another occasion. In 1842 Lorenz von Stein's Sozialismus und Communismus im beutigen Frankreich and J. K. Rodbertus' first work Zur Erkenntnis unserer staatswirtschaftlichen Zustände appeared, and Karl Marx sent his first essays to the publisher. In the preceding year Friedrich List had published his Nationale System der Politischen Oekonomie, and L. Feuerbach his Wesen des Christentums. In the following year there appeared W. Roscher's Grundriss zu Vorlesungen über die Staatswirtschaft nach historischer Methode. The special significance of this date in German intellectual history is well brought out by H. Freund, Soziologie und Sozialismus: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Sozialtheorie um 1842 (Würzburg, 1934).

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... knowledge.16.3
Cours, vol.2, p. 438.
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... mind.16.4
The essential unity of Comte's thought, which had always had its defenders, has since G. Dumas' investigations (Psychologie de deux messies positivistes [Paris, 1905]) been accepted by practically all French scholars concerned with these questions. See on this the survey of the discussion in H. Gouhier, La leunesse d'Auguste Comte, vol. 1 (Paris, 1933), pp. 18-29, and the two works by P. Ducassé, Méthode et intuition chez Auguste Comte and Essai sur l'origine intuitive du positivisme (both Paris, 1939).
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... him.16.5
See the interesting confession by H. G. Wells in his Experiment in Autobiography (London, 1934), p. 658: ``Probably I am unjust to Comte and grudge to acknowledge a sort of priority he had in sketching the mordern outlook. But for him, as for Marx, I have a real personal dislike.''
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... ``modification''16.6
See Cours, vol. 1, p. 9: ``L'état métaphysique, qui n'est au fond qu'une simple modification général du premier.'' See also vol. 4, p. 213.
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... phenomena16.7
C. L. Lévy-Bruhl, La philosophie d'Auguste Comte, 4th ed. (Paris, 1921), p. 42, and Cours, vol. 5, p. 25.
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... abandoned;16.8
Cours, vol. 2, p. 312, and vol.4, p. 469.
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... conclusion.16.9
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 188-89: ``Le véritable esprit général de toute philosophic théologique ou metaphysique consiste A prendre pour principle, dans l'explication des phénomènes du monde extérieur, notre sentiment immédiat des phénomènes humains; tandis que, au contraire, la philosophic positive est toujours caractérisée, non moins profondément, par la subordination nécessaire et rationelle de la conception de l'hoinme A celle du monde. Quelle que soit l'incompatibilité fondamentale manifestée, à tant de titres, entre ces deux philosophies, par l'ensemble de leur développement successif, elle n'a point, en effet, d'autre origine essentielle, ni d'autre base permanente, que cette simple différence d'ordre entre ces deux notions ègalements indispensables. En faisant prédominer, comme l'esprit humain a dû, de toute nécessité, le faire primitivement, la considération de l'homme sur ceile du monde, on est inévitablement conduit à attribuer tous les phénomènes à des volontés correspondantes, d'abord natureiles, et ensuite extra-naturelles, ce qui constitue le système théologique. L'étude directe du monde extérieur à pu seule, au contraire, produire et développer la grande notion des lois de la nature, fondement indispensable de toute phiosophie positive, et qui, par suite de son extension graduelle et continue à des phénomènes de moins en moins réguliers, à dû être enfin appliquée à l'étude même de l'homme et de la société, dernier terme de son entière généralisation.... L'étude positive n'a pas de caractère plus tranché que sa tendance spontanée et invariable à baser l'étude réelle de l'homme sur la connaissance préalable du monde extérieur.'' See also vol. 4, pp. 468-69.
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... science''16.10
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 256.
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... effort.''16.11
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 16; see also vol. 2, 312, vol. 4, p. 230.
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... facts,16.12
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 12.
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... sense.''16.13
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 600. C. Early Essays on Social Philosophy, trans. H. D. Hutton from French of Auguste Comte, New Universal Library (London, 1911), p. 223. As it is of some interest that nearly all the basic ideas were already clearly stated in Comte's Early Essays, references to the corresponding passages in these will occasionally be added to the references to the Cours.
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... positivism,16.14
See L. Grunicke, Der Begriff der Tatsache in der positivistischen Philosophie des 19. Jahrhunderts (Halle, 1930).
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... activity.''16.15
Cours, vol. 6, pp. 402-3; cf. also vol. 1, pp. 30-32: ``L'organe observé et l'organe observateur ètant, dans ce cas, identique, comment l'observation pourrait-elle avoir lieu?'' and vol. 3, pp. 538-41. PP, vol. 2,p. 385, and vol. 1, pp. 9-10, 381-82.
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... theology,''16.16
Cours, vol. 1, p. 30.
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... psychology'';16.17
Ibid., vol. 3, p. 535.
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... results''16.18
Ibid., p. 540.
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... mind,''16.19
Ibid., pp. 533, 563, 570.
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... ,16.20
Ibid., pp. 429-30,494; PP, vol. 1, p. 354.
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... intelligible.''16.21
Cours, vol. 3, pp. 336-37; see also pp. 216-17 and Early Essays, p. 219. It is interesting to note that while the passage in the early work states simply, ``L'action personelle de l'homme sur les autres êtres est la seule dont il comprenne le mode, par le sentiment qu'il en a '' (A. Comte, Opuscules de la philosophie sociale, 1819-1 828 [Paris, 1883], p. 182), this becomes in the corresponding passage of the Cours (vol. 4, p. 468): ``Ses propres actes, les seuls dont il puisse jamais croire comprendre le mode essentiel de production'' (italics added).
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... gravitation.16.22
Cours, vol. 1, pp. 10, 44.
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... utopia.''16.23
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 601.
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... law.16.24
C. C. Menger, Untersuchungen über die Methoden der Sozialwissenschaften (Leipzig, 1883), p. 15 n, where he argues that in the exact social sciences ``sind die menschlichen Individuen und Bestrebungen, die letzten Elemente unserer Analyse, empirischer Natur und die exakten theoretischen Sozialwissenschaften somit in grossem Vorteil gegenüber den Naturwissenschaften. Die Grenzen des Naturerkennens' und die hieraus für das theoretische Verständnis der Naturphänomene sich ergebenden Schwierigkeiten bestehen in Wahrheit nicht für die exakte Forschung auf dem Gebiete der Sozialerscheinungen. Wenn A. Comte die `Geseilschaften' als reale Organismen, und zwar als Organismen komplizierterer Art, denn die natürlichen, auffasst und ihre theoretische Interpretation als das unvergleichlich kompliziertere und schwierigere wissenschaftliche Problem bezeichnet, so befindet er sich somit in einem schweren Irrtum. Seine Theorie ware nur gegenüber Sozialforschern richtig, welche den, mit Rücksicht auf den heutigen Zustand der theoretischen Naturwissenschaften, geradezu wahnwitzigen Gedanken fassen würden, die Gesellschaftsphänomene nicht spezifisch sozialwissenschaftlich, sondern in naturwissenschaftlich atomistischer Weise interpretieren zu wollen.''
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... gravitation,16.25
Cours, vol.4, pp. 356-57; PP, vol. 2, p. 97.
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... events,''16.26
Cours, vol. 6, p. 599.
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... form,16.27
Ibid. vol. 1, p. 122; vol. 3, p. 295.
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... chemistry,16.28
Ibid. vol. 3, p. 29.
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... biology16.29
Ibid., p. 291.
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... phenomena.16.30
Ibid., vol.4, pp. 365-67; Early Essays, pp. 193-98.
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... inapplicable.16.31
Cours, vol. 3, $^{40e}$ leçon; vol. 6, p. 671.
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... better.16.32
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 321-22.
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... accessible.''16.33
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 258; cf. Early Essays, p. 239.
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... view.16.34
This has often been noted and commented upon. See particularly B. Beruheim,Geschichtsforschung und Geschichtsphilosophie (Göttingen, 1880), p. 48, and Lehrbuch der historischen Methode, 5th ed. (1908), index, s.v. ``Sozialistisch-naturwissenschaftliche oder kollektivistische Geschichtsauffassung. ''
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... law.16.35
There is one vague reference to this aspect in Cours, vol. 4, pp. 270-71.
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... Quetelet,16.36
See below, pp. [*]-[*].
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... statistics,''16.37
Cours, vol.4, p. 15 n.
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... sociology,16.38
Defourny, La Philosophie positiviste, Auguste Comte (Paris, 1902), p. 57.
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... physics,''16.39
Sociologie is introduced in Cours, vol. 4, p. 185; lois sociologiques appears first a few pages earlier, ibid., p. 180.
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... dynamics,16.40
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 29; vol. 4, pp. 230-31.
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... Gall.16.41
Cours is dedicated to Fourier and De Blainville, the two men among these four who were still alive at the time of its publication.
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... commonplace.16.42
It may, however, be mentioned, since it does not seem to have been noticed before, that the distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, popularized by the German sociologist F. Toennies, already appears in Comte, who stresses the fact that ``domestic relations do not constitute an association but a union'' (Cours, vol. 4, p. 419; PP, voL 2, p. 116).
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... Smith,16.43
Smith's influence appears in a clear and rather surprising form when Comte asks: ``Peut-on réellement concevoir, dans l'ensemble des phénomènes naturels, un plus merveilleux spectacle que cette convergence régullière et continue d'une immensité d'individus, doués chacun d'une existence pleinement distincte et, à un certain degré, independante, et néanmoins tous disposés sans cesse malgré les différences plus ou moins discordantes de leur talents et sourtout de leurs caractères, à concourir spontanément, par une multitude de moyens divers, à un même développement général, sans s'être d'ordinaire nullement concertés, et le plus souvent à l'insu de la plupart d'entre eux, qui ne croient obéir qu'à leurs impulsions personelles?'' (Cours, vol.4, pp. 417-18).
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... possible.16.44
Ibid., p. 436; PP, vol. 2, p. 121.
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... stone.''16.45
Lettres d'Auguste Comte à M. Valat, 1815-1844 (Paris; 1870), pp. 138-39 (letter dated September 8, 1824).
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... prediction.16.46
Cours, vol. 1, p. 51; vol. 2, p. 20; vol. 6, p. 618; Early Essays, p. 191.
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... people.''16.47
Cours, vol. 5, p. 14; see also p. 188, where it is explained that ``ces dénominations de grec et romain ne désignent point ici essentiellement des sociétés accidentelles et particulières; elles se rapportent surtout à des situations nécessaries et générales, qu'on ne pourrait qualifier abstraitement que par des locutions trop compliquées.
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... sciences.16.48
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 65.
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... ``mutability''16.49
C. Ibid., vol. 6, pp. 620, 622.
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... day,16.50
C. the concluding sentences in Professor Morris Ginsberg's recent Sociology (Home University Library [1934], p. 244): ``The conception of a self-directing humanity is new and as yet vague in the extreme. To work out its full theoretical implications, and with the aid
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... thing.16.51
This was, perhaps, even more true of the Continent, where it was generally known that the various ``sociological societies'' consisted almost exclusively of socialists.
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... opinions''16.52
Cours, vol. 6, p. 670.
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... logic.''16.53
Ibid., p. 671.
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... institutions.16.54
See herein, p. [*].
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... mentioning.16.55
The ``grammarians are even more absurd than the logicians'' (Système de politique positive, vol. 2, pp. 250-51).
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... economics,16.56
R. Mauduit, Auguste Comte et la science économique (Paris, 1929), esp. pp. 48-69. A full reply to Comte's strictures on political economy has been given by J. E. Cairnes in the essay ``M. Comte and Political Economy,'' Fortnightly Review (May 1870); reprinted in Essays on Political Economy (1873), pp. 265-311.
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... economics.16.57
Cours, vol.4, p. 196.
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... analyses.''16.58
Ibid., p. 194; PP, vol. 2, p. 51.
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... phenomena.16.59
Cours, vol. 1, p. 84; vol. 4, pp. 144-45, 257, 306, 361.
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... it,16.60
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 547; PP, vol. 2, p. 412.
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... society,''16.61
Cours, vol. 4, pp. 197-98, 255.
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... concepts.''16.62
Ibid., p. 195.
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... entities.''16.63
Ibid., p. 197.
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... liberty,''16.64
Ibid., p. 203; PP, vol. 2, p. 54.
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... organization.16.65
Cours, vol.4, pp. 200-201.
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... lengthened.''16.66
Ibid., p. 203; PP, vol. 2, p. 54.
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... use.16.67
C. Lettres à Valat, p. 99 (letter dated September 28, 1819): ``J'ai une souverame aversion pour les travaux scientifiques dont je n'aperçois l'utilité soit directe, soit eloignée.''
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... society.''16.68
Cours, vol. 1, p. 42.
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... spirit,''16.69
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 139.
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... speculation.16.70
J. S. Mill, Auguste Comte and Positivism, 2d ed. (London, 1866), p. 141.
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... regulation''16.71
Ibid., p. 196.
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... ``definitive''16.72
Cours, vol. 1, p. 15. C. Early Essays, p. 132.
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... disappear.16.73
Cours, vol.4, p. 43.
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... enquiry,''16.74
Ibid., p. 43; PP, vol.2, p. 12.
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... questions.16.75
Cours, vol.4, p. 48.
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... nature,''16.76
Ibid., p. 147; PP, vol.2, p. 39.
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... concerned.16.77
Cours, vol. 6, p. 495.
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... capitals''16.78
Ibid., p. 511.
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... function.16.79
Système de politique positive, vol. 1, p. 156.
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... duties,16.80
Cours, vol. 6, p. 454;Système de politique positive, vol. 1, pp. 151, 36146; vol. 2, p. 87.
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... grades,16.81
Cours, vol. 6, pp. 482-85.
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... organism,16.82
Ibid., pp. 484.
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... obey,''16.83
Ibid., vol. 4, p. 437; PP, vol.2, p. 122.
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... Reich.16.84
This applies particularly to the writings of O. Spengler and W. Sombart.
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... abstraction''16.85
Cours, vol. 6, p. 590; Discours sur l'esprit positif (1918), p. 118.
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... ,16.86
Cours, vol. 4, p. 51.
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... rose16.87
The fullest account of Quetelet's life and work is by J. Lottin, Quetelet: statisticien et sociologue (Louvain and Paris, 1912).
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... polytechnique,16.88
On the reputed influence of the Saint-Simonians on Quetelet, compare above, p. [*], fn. 59
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... scaffold.''16.89
The English translation of this passage is from H. M. Walker, Studies in the History of Statistical Method (Baltimore, 1929), p. 40.
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... ''16.90
Ibid., p. 29.
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... concerned.16.91
C. L. Dimier, Les maitres de la contre-révolution (Paris, 1917), pp. 215-35.
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... thinkers.''16.92
Mill, p. cit., p.2.
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... thought.16.93
For a full account of English positivism, see R. Metz, A Hundred Years of British Philosophy (London, 1936), pp. 171-234, and J. E. McGee, A Crusade for Humanity--The History of Organized Positivism in England (London, 1931). On Comte's influence in the United States, see the two studies by R. L. Hawkins, Auguste Comte and the United States (1816-1853) (1936), and Positivism in the United States (1853-1861) (1938) (both Harvard University Press).
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... Germany.16.94
This penetration of Comtian positivism into Germany through the medium of English authors is a curious reversal of the earlier processes when English seventeenth- and eighteenth-century thought had become known to Germany largely through the instrumentality of French writers, from Montesquieu and Rousseau down to J. B. Say. This fact largely explains the belief, widely held in Germany, that there exists a fundamental contrast between ``Western'' naturalist and German idealist thought In fact, if such a contrast can at all be drawn, it is much more between English thought, as represented, say, by Locke, Mandeville, Hume, Smith, Burke, Bentham, and the classical economists, and, on the other hand, Continental thought, as represented by the two parallel and very similar developments that went from Montesquieu through Turgot and Condorcet to Saint-Simon and Comte, and from Herder though Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel to the later Hegelians. The French school of thought, which indeed was closely related to English thought, that of Condillac and the ``ideologues,'' had disappeared by the time with which we are now concerned.
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... enthusiasm.16.95
The infiltration of positivist thought into the social sciences in Germany is a story by itself which cannot be told here. Among its most influential representatives were the two founders of Völkerpsychologie, M. Lazarus and H. Steinthal (the former important because of his influence on W. Dilthey), E. du Bois-Reymond (see particularly his lecture ``Kulturgeschichte und Naturwissenschaft,'' 1877), and the Viennese circle of T. Gomperz and W. Scherer, later W. Wundt, H. Vaihinger, W. Ostwald, and K. Lamprecht On this, see E. Rothacker, Einleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften (Tübingen, 1920), pp. 200-206, 253 et seq.; C. Misch, Der junge Dilthey (Leipzig, 1933); E. Beruheim, Geschichtsforschung und Geschichtsphilosophie (Göttingen, 1880); and Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode, 6th ed. (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 699-716. And for the influence on some of the members of the younger historical school of German economists, see particularly H. Waentig, Auguste Comte und seine Bedeutung für die Entwicklung der Sozialwissenschaft (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 279 et seq.
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... experienced.16.96
C. S. Deploige, Le conflit de la morale et de la sociologie (Louvain, 1911), esp. chap. 6, on the Genesis of Durkheim's system.
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... phenomena.16.97
The direct influence of Comte on Charles Maurras should perhaps also be mentioned here.
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... Veblen16.98
C. W. Jaffé, Les thtories èconomiques et sociales de T. Veblen (Paris, 1924), p. 35, and R. V. Teggart, Thorstein Veblen: A Chapter in American Economic Thought (Berkeley, 1932), pp. 15, 43, 49-53.
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... Hobhouse16.99
C. F. S. Marvin, Comte, mordern Sociologists (London, 1936), p. 183.
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... Lamprecht16.100
C. E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode, pp. 710 et seq.
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... truth.''17.1
Bernard Bosanquet, The Meeting of Extremes in Contemporary Philosophy (London, 1921), p. 100.
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... Comte.17.2
See Hutchinson Stirling, ``Why the Philosophy of History Ends with Hegel and Not with Comte,'' in ``Supplementary Note'' to A. Schwegler's Handbook of the History of Philosophy; and John Tulloch, in Edinburgh Review 260 (1868). E. Troeltsch, Der Historismus und seine Probleme (Gesammelte Schriften III) (Tübingen, 1922), p. 24, is inclined to ascribe even Comte's celebrated law of the three stages to the influence of Hegel's dialectics, although it derives in fact from Turgot. See also R. Levin, Der Geschichtsbegriff des Positivismus (Leipzig, 1935), p. 20.
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... Policy,17.3
First published in 1822 in H. de Saint-Simon's Catéchisme des industrielles as Plan for the Scientific Operations Necessary for Reorganizing Society and two years later republished separately as System of Positive Policy--``a title premature indeed, but rightly indicating the scope'' of his labors, as Comte wrote much later when he reprinted his early works as an appendix to his Système de politique positive. A translation of this appendix by D. H. Hutton was published in 1911 under the title Early Essays in Social Philosophy in Routledge's New Universal Library, and it is from this little volume that the above English titles and the later quotations are taken.
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... 1828.17.4
On Comte's early history and his relation to Saint-Simon, see the comprehensive account in H. Gouhier, La jeunesse d'Auguste Comte et la formation du positivisme, 3 vols. (Paris, 1933-40).
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... Hegel.17.5
Gustave d'Eichthal to Auguste Comte, November 18, 1824, and January 12, 1825. P. Lafitte, ``Matériaux pour servir à la biographie d'Auguste Comte: Correspondance, d'Auguste Comte avec Gustave d'Eichthal,'' La Revue Occidentale, 2d ser. 12 (19 année, 1891), pt. 2,pp. 186ff.
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... philosophy.''17.6
Lettres d'Auguste Comte à divers (Paris, 1905), vol. 2, p. 86 (April 11, 1825).
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... History17.7
R. Flint, Philosophy of History in Europe (1874), vol. 1, pp. 262, 267, 281.
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... Thought17.8
J. T. Merz, History of European Thought (1914), vol. 4, pp. 186, 481 if., 501-3.
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... Fouill\'ee,17.9
A. Fouillée, Le Mouvement positiviste (1896), pp. 268, 366.
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... Meyerson,17.10
E. Meyerson, L'explication dans les sciences (1921), vol. 2, pp. 122-38.
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... Wittaker,17.11
T. Wittaker,Reason: A Philosophical Essay with Historical Illustrations (Cambridge, 1934), pp. 7-9.
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... Troeltsch,17.12
Troeltsch, p. cit., p. 408.
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... Spranger17.13
E. Spranger, ``Die Kulturzyklentheorie und das Problem des Kulturverfalles,'' Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phiosophisch-Historische Klasse (1926), pp. xlii ff.
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... mention17.14
W. Ashley, Introduction to English History and Theory, 3d ed. (1914), vol. 1, pp. ix--xi. A. W. Benn, History of British Rationalism (1906), vol. 1, pp. 412, 449; vol. 2, p. 82. E. Caird, The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte, 2d ed. (1893), p. 51. M. R. Cohen, ``Causation and Its Application to History,'' Journal of the History of Ideas 3 (1942): 12. R. Eucken, ``Zur Würdigung Comte's und des Positivismus,'' in Philosophische Aufsätze Eduard Zeller gewidmet (Leipzig, 1887), p. 67, and also in Geistige Strdmungen der Gegenwart (1904), p. 164. K. R. Geijer, ``Hegelianism och Positivism,'' Lunds Universitets Arsskrfit 18 (1883). G. Gourvitch, L'idée du droit social (1932), pp. 271, 297. H. Hoeffding, Der menschliche Gedanke (1911), p. 41. M. Mandelbaum, The Problem of Historical Knowledge (New York, 1938) , pp. 312 ff. G. Mehlis, ``Die Geschichtsphilosophie Hegels und Comtes,'' Jamb für Soziologie 3 (1927). J. Rambaud, Histoire des doctrines economiques (1899), pp. 485, 542. E. Rothacker, Einleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften (1920), pp. 190, 287. A. Salomon, ``Tocqueville's Philosophy of Freedom,'' Review of Politics 1 (1939): 400. M. Schinz, Geschichte der französischen Philosophie (1914), vol. 1, p. 2. W. Windelband, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Philosophie, new ed. (1935), pp. 554 f. An article by G. Salomon-Delatour, ``Hegel ou Comte,'' in Revue positiviste internationale 52 (1935) and 53 (1936), became available to me only after the present essay was in the hands of the printer.
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... Hegel,17.15
E. Dittmann, ``Die Geschichtsphilosophie Comtes und Hegels,'' Vierteljahrsschrfit für wissenschaftliche Philosophie und Soziologie 38 (1914), 39 (1915).
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... here.17.16
The list of additional names, which could be extended almost indefinitely, would include Eugen Dühring, Arnold Ruge, P. J. Proudhon, V. Pare to, L. T. Hobhouse, E. Troeltsch, W. Dilthey, Karl Lamprecht, and Kurt Breysig.
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... unintelligible,''17.17
Quoted in K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (London, 1945), vol. 2, p. 25.
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... intellect.''17.18
J. S. Mill to A. Bain, November 4, 1867, The Letters of John Stuart Mill, ed. H. S. R. Elliot (London, 1910), vol. 2, p. 93.
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... shown.17.19
Meyerson, p. cit., esp. chap. 13.
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... preception,''17.20
Ibid., p. 50.
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... functions.17.21
J. Laporte, Le Rationalisme de Descartes, new ed. (Paris, 1950).
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... Montesquieu,17.22
E. Buss, ``Montesquieu und Cartesius,'' Philosophische Monatshefte 4 (1869): 1--37, and H. Trescher, ``Montesquieu's Einfiuss auf die philosophischen Grundlagen der Staatslehre Hegels,'' Scroller's's Jamb 42(1918).
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...d'Alembert,17.23
C. Schinz, p. cit., and G. Misch, ``Zur Entstehung des franzdsischen Positivismus,'' Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie 14 (1901).
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... Herder,17.24
In a letter of August 5, 1824, Comte writes of Herder as ``prédécesseur du Condorcet, mon prédécesseur immediat.'' See Lettres d'Auguste Comte à divers (Paris, 1905), vol. 2, p. 56.
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... laws''17.25
Comte, Cours de philosophie positive, 5th ed. (identical with 1st) (Paris, 1893), vol. 4, p. 253; see also Early Essays, p. 150.
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... contradiction17.26
For a systematic analysis and criticism of these ideas, see part 1 of this volume.
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... ``essentialism.''17.27
C. K. R. Popper, ``The Poverty of Historicism,'' Economica, n.s. 11(1944): 94.
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... consist,17.28
Cours, vol. 4, p. 286: ``L'ensemble du sujet est certainement alors beaucoup mieux connu et plus immédiatement abordable que les diverses parties qu'on distinguera ultérieurement.''
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... wholes.17.29
Ibid., p. 291.
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... parts.17.30
Ibid., p. 526.
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... idealism.17.31
See, e.g., E. deRoberty, Philosophie du siècle (Paris, 1891), p. 29, and Schinz, p. cit., p. 255.
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... universals''17.32
Salomon, p. cit., p. 400.
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... abstraction.17.33
Cours, vol. 6, p. 590; Discours sur l'esprit positive (1918) , p. 118.
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... historians''17.34
C., e.g., Dittmann, p. cit. 38, p. 310, and Merz, p. cit., p. 500.
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... historicism17.35
C. Popper, Open Society, and Karl Löwith, Von Hegel zu Nietzsche (Zürich, 1941), p. 302.
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... matters,17.36
This long-standing confusion has been accentuated recently by the fact that so distinguished a historian as Friedrich Meinecke devoted his great work, Die Entstehung des Historismus (München, 1936), entirely to that earlier historical school, in contradistinction to which the term historicism was coined during the second half of the nineteenth century. See also W. Eucken, ``Die Ueberwindung des Historismus,'' Scroller's's Jamb 63 (1938).
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... nation''17.37
Quoted in G. Bryson, Man and Society (Princeton, 1945), p. 78.
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... swindle.''17.38
Quoted in Troeltsch, p. cit., pp. 189-90 n.
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...Economica,17.39
Popper, ``Poverty of Historicism.''
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... Hegel.17.40
On Comte's influence on the growth of the younger historical school in German economics, see particularly F. Raab, Die Fortschrittsidee bei Gustav Scroller's (Freiburg, 1934), p. 72, and H. Waentig, Auguste Comte und seine Bedeutung für die Entwicklung der Sozialwissenschaft (Leipzig, 1894).
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... art17.41
Most clearly seen in the person of Wilhelm Scherer. See also Rothacker, p. cit., pp. 190-250.
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... ``instruments''17.42
Early Essays, p. 15.
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... movement,''17.43
Cours, vol. 4, p. 298.
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... laws,''17.44
Ibid., p. 157: ``Car la vraie liberté ne peut consister, sans doute, qu'en une soumission rationelle à la seule prépondérance, convenablement constaée, des lois fondamentales de la nature.''
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... necessity.17.45
philosophie der Geschichte, ed. Reclam, p. 77: ``Notwendig ist das Vernünftige als das Substantielle, und frei sind wir, indem wir es als Gesetz anerkennen und ihm als Substanz unseres eigenen Wesens folgen: der objektive und der subjektive Wile sind dann ausgesöhnt und ein und dasselbe ungetrübte Ganze.''
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... unity''17.46
Cours, vol. 4, p. 144; cf. Early Essays, p. 132.
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... doctrine17.47
For references, see Meyerson, p. cit., p. 130, and cf. Popper, Open Society, vol. 2, p. 40.
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... ``liberticide.''17.48
J. S. Mill to Harriet Mill, Rome, January 15, 1855: ``Almost all of the projects of social reformers of these days are really liberticide --Comte's particularly so'' (F. A. Hayek, John Stuart Mill and Harriet Taylor [Chicago, 1951], p. 216). For a fuller statement of Comte's political conclusions, whose antiliberal tendencies go far beyond anything Hegel ever said, see herein, pp. [*]-[*].
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... Great.17.49
In Comte's ``Positivist Calendar,'' the ``Month of mordern Statesmanship'' is given the name of Frederick the Great!
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... character:17.50
See H. Preller, ``Rationalismus und Historismus,'' Historische Zeitschrift 126 (1922).
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... real17.51
Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, Philosophische Bibliothek (Leipzig: Felix Meiner, 1911),p. 14.
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... reason.17.52
Système de politique positive (1854), vol. 1, p. 356: ``La supériorité nécessaire de la moral démonstrée sur la morale revelée.''
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... statement.''17.53
L'Industrie, ed. Saint-Simon, vol. 3, 2$^{me}$ cahier.
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... :17.54
A. Thiers, Histoire de la révolution française (1823-27).
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... doing.''17.55
T. Carlyle to J. S. Mill, January 12, 1833, in Letters of Thomas Carlyle to John Stuart Mill, John Sterling, and Robert Browning, ed. Alexander Carlyle (London, 1910).
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... success.''17.56
J. S. Mill to T. Carlyle, February 2, 1833 (unpublished, National Library of Scotland).
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... positivism17.57
On Hegel's legal positivism, see particularly H. Heller, Hegel und der nationale Machstaatsgedanke in Deutschland (Leipzig and Berlin, 1921), p. 166, and Popper, Open Society, vol. 2, p. 39. For Comte, see Cours, vol. 4, pp. 266 ff.
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... foresee.17.58
See herein, pp. [*]-[*].
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... explanation,17.59
See my Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), p. 7.
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...Système. 17.60
See herein, pp. [*] et seq.
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... Feuerbachians.''17.61
Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the Outcome of Classical German Philosophy (New York, 1941), p. 18.
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... provided17.62
On Feuerbach, see S. Rawidowicz, Ludwig Feuerbachs Philosophie (Berlin, 1931); K. Löwith, p. cit.; A. Lévy, La philosophie du Feuerbach (Paris, 1904); and F. Lombardi, L. Feuerbach (Florence, 1935). A recent English study of Feuerbach by W. B. Chamberlain, Heaven Wasn't His Destination (London, 1941), is unfortunately quite inadequate. For the widespread positivistic tendencies among the Young Hegelians, see particularly D. Koigen, Zur Vorgeschichte des modernen philosophischen Sozialismus in Deutschland (Bern, 1901).
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... professor,17.63
L. Feuerbach to W. Bolin, October 20, 1860, Ausgewählte Briefe von und an Feuerbach, ed. W. Bolin (Leipzig, 1904), vol. 2, 246-47.
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... thought.17.64
Lorenz Stein, Der Socialismus und Comunismus im heutigen Frankreich (Leipzig, 1842).
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... Marx.17.65
See Heinz Nitschke, ``Die Geschichtsphilosophie Lorenz von Steins,'' Historische Zeitschrift, supp. 26 (1932), esp. p. 136, for the earlier literature on the subject; and T. G. Masaryk, Die philosophischen und soziologischen Grundlagen des Marxismus (Vienna, 1899), p. 34.
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... Berlin.17.66
On Jules Lechevalier, see H. Ahrens, Naturrecht, 6th ed. (Vienna, 1870), vol. 1, p. 204; Charles Pelarin, Notice sur Jules Lechevalier et Abel Transon (Paris, 1877); A. V. Wenckstern, Marx (Leipzig, 1896), pp. 205 f.; and S. Bauer, ``Henri de Saint-Simon nach hundert Jahren,'' Archiv für die Geschichte des Sozialismus 12 (1926): 172.
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... realized.17.67
A careful analysis of the positivist influence on Marx and Engels would require a separate investigation. A direct influence extending to surprising verbal similarities could be shown in the writing of Engels, while the influence on Marx is probably more indirect Some material for such a study will be found in T. G. Masaryk, p. cit., p. 35, and Lucie Prenant, ``Marx et Comte,'' in à la lumière de marxisme (Paris: Cercie de la Russie Neuve, 1937), vol. 2, Pt 1. In a late letter to Engels (July 7, 1866), Marx who was then reading Comte, apparently for the first time consciously (as distinguished from his probable acquaintance with Comte's Saint-Simonian writing), describes him as ``lamentable'' compared with Hegel.
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... List17.68
Friedrich List, Nationale System der Politischen Oekonomie (1841).
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... Roscher,17.69
Wilhelm Roscher, Grundriss zu Vorlesungen über die staatswirtschaft nach historischer Methode (1843).
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... 184217.70
The special significance of the year 1842 in this connection is well brought out by Koigen, p. cit., pp. 236 ff., and by Hans Freund, Soziologie und Sozialismus (Würzburg, 1934). Particularly instructive on the influence of positivism on the German historians of the period are the letters of J. G. Droysen. See particularly his letter of February 2, 1851, to T. v. Schön, in which he writes: ``Die Philosophie ist durch Hegel und seine Schüler für geraume Zeit nicht nur diskreditiert soundern in ihrem eigensten Leben zerrtittet. Die Götzendienerei mit dem konstruierenden, ja schöpferischen Denken hat, indem alles ihm vindiziert wurde, zu dem Feuerbachschen Wahnwitz getrieben, der methodisch und ethisch jener polytechnischen Richtung ganz entspricht''; and the letter of July 17, 1852, to M. Duncker, which contains the following passage: ``Weh uns und unserem deutschen Denken, wenn die polytechnische Misère, an der Frankreich seit 1789 verdorrt und verfault, diese babylonische Mengerei von Recbnerei und Lüderlichkeit, in das schon entartete Geschlecht noch tiefer einreisst. Jener bunte Positivismus, den man in Berlin betreibt, setzt diese Revolution des geistigen Lebens ins Treibhaus'' (J. G. Droysen, Briefwechsel, ed. R. Hübner [Leipzig, 1929], vol. 2, pp. 48, 120).
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... Taine17.71
C. D. D. Rosca, L'influence de Hegel sur Taine (Paris, 1928), and O. Engel, Der Einfluss Hegels auf die Bildung der Gedankenwelt Taines (Stuttgart, 1920).
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... Durkheim17.72
See S. Deploige, The Conflict Between Ethics and Sociology (St Louis, 1938), chap. 4.
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... problems.17.73
See P. Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie (1925).
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... combination.17.74
See E. Grünwald, Das Problem der Soziologie des Wissens (Vienna, 1934).
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... it,17.75
C. Bouglé, Chez les prophètes socialistes (1918), chap. 3.
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... ideas.17.76
That Comte's ideas influenced Veblen seems fairly clear. See W. Jaffé, Les théories economiques et sociales de T. Veblen (Paris, 1924), p. 35.
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